Sen. Johnson Calls for Congress to Investigate Vaccine Manufacturers and Covid Vax Approval Process in Response to Project Veritas Exposé on Pfizer
Sen. Johnson Calls for Congress to Investigate Vaccine Manufacturers and Covid Vax Approval Process in Response to Project Veritas Exposé on Pfizer | 26 Jan 2023 | Senator Ron Johnson on Thursday called for Congress to investigate vaccine manufacturers and the Covid vax approval process in response to a Project Veritas explosive undercover video exposing Pfizer's alleged plans to "mutate" the Covid virus. Pfizer is experimenting with dangerous gain-of-function on Covid-19, according to a director of research for the pharma company. "Federal health agencies have been captured by Big Pharma and grossly derelict in their duties throughout the pandemic." Ron Johnson said. "It's time for Congress to thoroughly investigate vaccine manufacturers and the entire COVID vaccine approval process," he said.
We just wrapped up a very special(?) episode of the Ego Death Podcast brought to by and for the commentariat of the @email@example.com comments section.
That’s right, through the magic of the internet so many folks chimed in on the thread about episode one that we felt compelled to put our noses to the proverbial grindstone and produce a quick and dirty conversation on anarchist justice, conflict and reformed (supposedly) troll and half of team Ego Death, Zach. This means that you have Lumpy, Sir Einzige, and all your beautiful anon (not verified) selves to thank for this conversation.
I’d like to personally thank you all for teaching me more about Zack and especially the amazing meme work. Whichever anon made that happen, I salute you.
Given the sensitivity of the subject, there was some emotion involved, and I hope we kept it light but also did the topic Justice (get it?). We managed to cover the trolling fiasco the milieu can’t seem to get enough of, justice, conflict resolution, and just plain old being nice. We also somehow managed to tie in Yang Chu, Foucault, Serres, Bataille, Montaigne,an old NPR podcast, AND a fun Buddhist parable about a murderous berserker. If you don’t have time to listen, moral of the story: Don’t be a dick.
Thanks for listening, and as always reach out with any questions, comments, and ideas here or hit me up at @ruin or Zack (if you dare) @zack over on the @ni.hil.ist instance and check @EgoDeathPodcast to keep up with whatever goodness we have in store.Tags: podcastEgo DeathZhachevjusticethis site
Pfizer Executive: 'Mutate' COVID via 'Directed Evolution' for Company to Continue Profiting Off of Vaccines, 'COVID Is Going to be a Cash Cow for Us'
Pfizer Executive: 'Mutate' COVID via 'Directed Evolution' for Company to Continue Profiting Off of Vaccines, 'COVID Is Going to be a Cash Cow for Us' | 25 Jan 2023 | Project Veritas released a new video today exposing a Pfizer executive, Jordon Trishton Walker, who claims that his company is exploring a way to "mutate" COVID via "Directed Evolution" to preempt the development of future vaccines. Walker says that Directed Evolution is different than gain-of-function, which is defined as "a mutation that confers new or enhanced activity on a protein." In other words, it means that a virus such as COVID can become more potent depending on the mutation/scientific experiment performed on it. The Pfizer executive told a Veritas journalist about his company's plan for COVID vaccines, while acknowledging that people would not like this information if it went public. "One of the things we [Pfizer] are exploring is like, why don't we just mutate it [COVID] ourselves so we could create -- preemptively develop new vaccines, right? So, we have to do that. If we're gonna do that though, there's a risk of like, as you could imagine -- no one wants to be having a pharma company mutating f**king viruses," Walker said.
Portland Oregon Solidarity Action With Atlanta and the Atlanta Forest Defenders
“On 1/20/23 anarchists in Portland, Oregon went after the UPS shipping center in Portland in retaliation after a comrade was recently murdered by the Atlanta Police.
Anarchists broke somewhere between 10-15 large windows and started multiple small fires within the building. UPS is one of the biggest companies currently donating to the Cop City Project in Atlanta.
On 1/18/23 Atlanta police attempted a raid in the forest that was being protected by forest defenders and once they showed up they opened fire and killed a forest defender.
We want to express our love toward Tortuguita who was also known as Cami, as well as to all their comrades and loved ones.
Atlanta police stole a comrade and friend to many people from us on 1/18/23. few broken windows will never undo what the Atlanta police did but hopefully continued actions can bring the change that Cami wished for and hoped to see one day.
We call for more actions directly toward the companies that are donating to and funding the Cop City project in Atlanta. Forest defenders have a right to stay in the forest, and groups will continue to retaliate until the Cop City Project is cancelled.
Love from PDX to ATL”Tags: attack!solidarityDefend Atlanta ForestTortuguitaStop Cop Citysmashy smash
From Freedom News UK
In Sophie Scott-Brown’s excellent, well-researched and insightful biography of Colin Ward, one of Britain’s most interesting alternative thinkers of the twentieth century, the reader can find an in-depth analysis of the various stages and evolution of my dad’s work and life.
There are criticisms, some valid and others which I’m not really qualified to offer an opinion on, and there are typographical and factual errors, but these are minor weaknesses in a discourse which never fails to clarify and offer explanations for what Colin Ward did, and appreciates his contribution to positive changes in the way people can potentially live and think.
The foundations of Colin’s approach to the world are well described: his Labour Party background, architectural vocation and interest in reading and writing about ways in which ordinary people’s chances of a better life could be enhanced. Chapter Two is devoted to his five years of national service from nineteen forty-two to nineteen forty-seven, first in Glasgow and then in the more remote Orkney and Shetland Islands as, tellingly, the army became aware of his interest in anti-war literature and not following the government’s orders.
Sophie’s previous book, ‘The Histories of Raphael Samuel: A Portrait of A People’s Historian’, shed much light on the early- to mid-twentieth century socialist and communist ideological climate in Britain. It’s likely that she drew on this knowledge when describing anarchist culture. All these communities were within the overall national atmosphere, where everything is about class, and those who let middle class values and lifestyles into the doctrine are accused of selling out. She credits Colin with bridging the gap between the classes, engaging with ‘the people existing somewhere between workers and intellectuals’.
The titles of the book’s twelve chapters, eg ‘Domestic Anarchy’, ‘The Social Principle’ and ‘Autonomy’, are bang on in terms of the big-hearted way Colin thought and acted. Sophie admirably weaves a path, as did her subject, between his nine-to-five activity in the fifties, as a ‘drawing board man’ for the architectural partnership Bridgwater, Shepheard and Epstein, and his leisure activity of promoting anarchism as one of the editors of the long-running alternative paper, ‘Freedom’.
His experience working in the rebuilding of public housing after the war, in a climate where both the Labour and Conservative parties were boasting about the number of council houses they could build, helped formulate his non-centralist, neither-rural-nor-urban, philosophy of planning, which resulted in his job in the nineteen-seventies as Education Officer for the pressure group, the Town and Country Planning Association.
In the nineteen-sixties and seventies, amid changes in his personal and working lives and the world in general, Colin was the editor and driving force behind two regular publications, ‘Anarchy’ and ‘BEE’, the Bulletin for Environmental Education. Straddling these two eras was his job as a Liberal Studies teacher at Wandsworth Technical College.
Sophie gives each of these sections of his working life their due. She is particularly illuminating on BEE, whose aim was to get urban kids interested in their environment, setting up conferences, discussion groups and ultimately Urban Studies Centres. The nineteen-seventies were perhaps Colin’s heyday, bringing together his experiences as a persuasive writer, educator and analyser of the nuts and bolts of the average person’s life experience.
Regarding an anarchist writer’s position within the traditional Conservative/Labour divide, Sophie observes that when Labour was in power, Colin’s writing was more serious and theoretical. There was a chance that some of his positions on housing and education would actually influence policy. When there was a Conservative government, his style was more informal and anecdotal as, in his regular columns, he tried to exemplify an everyman bringing common sense to the materialist ideology. Ironically, it was a Blairite editor of New Statesman and Society who axed Colin’s weekly column in 1996, as only those supporting New Labour were allowed a voice. A quote I hadn’t seen before illustrates this:
‘I am plagued by other people’s ideologies. A whole series of writers, George Orwell, Colin MacInnes or Dora Russell have complained that they could say what they like in the uncommitted or even right-wing press. Only when they wrote for nothing in the left-wing press were they bullied into toeing someone else’s line.’
Some biographies, whether in book or film form, concentrate too much, in my view, on their subject’s early years and not enough on their later ones. Perhaps there is some of that here, but the quality of the analysis certainly doesn’t taper off. What I think of as some of Colin’s best books, ‘New Town, Home Town’ (Sophie unfortunately gets the title slightly wrong, or maybe it was Routledge’s editor) and ‘Reflected in Water’, were written in the nineties, when he was in his late sixtes and early seventies.
I think his mind was as lively as ever when, at the age of seventy-eight, he wrote to Oxford University Press suggesting that their ‘Very Short Introduction’ series should include one on anarchism, and that he should be the person to write it. This book has sold twenty-seven thousand copies at the time of writing. Sadly the publishers decided it was out of date thirteen years after its first publication and needed to be 75-85% rewritten.
In the afterword, Sophie asks if Colin’s work had a big impact on libertarian thinking, and I can’t think of a better one than the Very Short Introduction story above. This wasn’t in the book but is maybe worth mentioning.
On the book’s very last page, she comes up with a brilliant phrase that sums up Colin’s philosophy of non-confrontational subversion:
‘…we can never compromise on compromise.’
Later on the same page, another typo has crept into a Shakespeare quote. Things like this, along with misspellings of people’s names and small errors in Colin’s addresses, do tarnish the text a little. But that should not overshadow the overwhelmingly positive experience that independently-minded readers of this work will probably have.
Colin Ward and the Art of Everyday Anarchy is available here.
This review first appeared in benzwalker.com.Tags: reviewColin Ward
A look at state repression from the Civil Liberation Defense Center (CLDC) and what you can do to stop it.
CLDC has been providing movement aligned legal support to the campaigns and activists in the so called U.S. for over 20 years now. In that time period, I have personally witnessed numerous waves of state repression targeting the campaigns that were moving the needle on the moral compass—anti-racism, environmental and animal defense, water and food safety, Indigenous sovereignty, LGBTQIA+, and others. The state, whether government actors or big corporate profiteers, have a limited playbook that they tend to repeat over and over. This is why knowing your movement history is core to building resilience.
History has demonstrated that when state repression comes to town it is often because your campaign is winning or demonstrating strength and the state elects to spend vast resources on derailing your momentum. In the face of state repression, there are numerous things to keep in mind. While this is not an exhaustive list, here are five suggestions of where to begin:Take care of your people—body and mind
Being threatened with criminal prosecution, jail, and/or investigation is stressful and impacts people in very different ways. When the state purposefully uses bond or bail conditions to attempt to isolate targeted individuals (defendants) from their communities, that community must think creatively and carefully about how to provide maximum support with minimal risk of landing someone back in jail. Remember that the targeted person’s loved ones can also be impacted. Support for parents, children, and significant others is essential. During the Green Scare the community spent an entire day doing yard work projects at the home of a grand jury resister who was incarcerated. His wife felt loved and supported which made it easier to deal with the loss and stress of her partner and she continues to be a strong movement supporter to this day.
Remember that politically motivated criminal prosecutions may take a long time to resolve. Engagement with the carceral legal system is a marathon, not a sprint. Pace yourselves and practice radical self-care.Keep doing the work
State repression is intended to stop the political movement and deter people from joining or supporting the public interest work being done. The work must continue or else the state sees that its tactics succeeded. When the movement acquiesces to repression, it serves to embolden the state and its deployment of such tactics now and in the future. Recognize that state resources are being deployed against you and be mindful of security culture and the harm reduction tools that nimble activists have at their disposal. Continue to diligently grow your movements’ size and reach. Engage solid communications and outreach strategies to broaden movement support if possible. Ensuring your community is engaged in good security culture practices does provide hardiness. Committing to lawful digital hygiene is important. See CLDC’s digital security webinars for more.
A healthy movement has many roles to fill—whether you are a defendant, a parent, or frontline risk taker, there are many ways to strengthen and continue movement work in a consensual way.Be prepared for the state to double-down on the terrorist rhetoric
Most reasonable folk know that terrorism describes acts like the World Trade Center bombing, the Oklahoma Federal Building bombing, or other intentional acts of mass murder. When the state attempts to conflate those horrific acts with direct actions such as sitting in a tree or denting a police car, their tenuous hyperbolic rhetoric becomes transparent to all. Why would they attempt to persuade people that defending the forest is the equivalent of terrorism? Because they wrongly believe that their stranglehold on mass media will confuse, scare or misinform. We need to engage the public at large, reminding them that these lies and manipulations couldn’t be farther from the truth, and when the state attempts to brand everyone and everything as terrorists, we are all less safe from actual threats. Also be prepared for the state one-two punch. The state makes arrests and files charges, and when they see everyone bunched up around those activist-targets looking fatigued and stressed, they go in for the knockout and file even more serious or sinister charges—often against perceived leaders or heroes of the movement or campaign. Movement appearances matter in the face of state repression because the state is definitely watching closely.Lawyer up & shut up
Movement lawyers and politically aware lawyers can run interference when the state attempts to intrude in your political work. When state tactics such as knock and talks occur (when law enforcement shows up at your home, workplace, etc. to ‘talk’ to you as part of an “investigation”), it is important to drag them into the light and expose their playbook. And equally important is to simply decline their invitation to talk—even if you think what you have to say is harmless. These tactics are intended to invoke fear and chill the First Amendment rights of association, assembly and free speech. Simply assert your 5th amendment rights as a unified political front and the state will have a harder time attempting to exploit vulnerable community members. Again, if the state thinks one of its tactics is creating the results they want—fear, division, diminished campaign strength, and of course if they actually obtain intelligence on the movement and it’s participants—you can bet they will be back at it again and again. Establishing a roster of trusted lawyers to provide legal information to you, and to potentially back the state off of you and/or your loved ones, is just one component in building community resilience against repression. It’s an important one to develop early and often. The CLDC often assists communities in building these legal teams-reach out to us for ideas and support.Prosecutors as political tools
Prosecutors and law enforcement agents often know what they are doing is wrong while they are doing it, but they are pressured by political hacks that hold power over them. During the Green Scare, FBI agents hunted animal and environmental activists engaged in economic sabotage and prosecutors sought the terrorism sentencing enhancement in the indictments. The U.S. Attorney at the time, Alberto Gonzales, held a press conference on the day of their arrests and called them the number one domestic terrorist threat (so much for innocent until proven guilty). We all knew that in this new post 9/11 world, the state was using these activists to distract the public from the fact that they were unable to find or catch anyone connected to the World Trade Center murders. Twenty years later, FBI agents admitted that the activist defendants were used as political pawns and did not deserve to be branded as terrorists. At least one agent regretted their complicity in this heinous abuse of power. Call it out when you see and it leverage it to the benefit of the movement. Maybe you have comrades well situated to engage the political machinations at their own game? Also know that your lawyers can fight hard and challenge the constitutionality of political charges like Georgia’s domestic terrorism statute, expose the illegitimacy of repressive prosecutorial misconduct, and make the state spend lots and lots of time and resources in fighting a political case.Final Thoughts:
Movements are not built or destroyed in court rooms but resistance to these tactics are one of many that must be deployed in the face of state repression. Solidarity is critically important. As environmental and social justice activists and supporters, when they come after one of us, they come after all of us. When repressive tactics result in a decline in organizing and strategic action, or they manage to divide and conquer, the state wins. And rest assured that they will return to those tactics in your community and beyond.
Political movements are targeted by the capitalist state because they know we offer and work toward a hopeful alternative to the suffering and planetary destruction they seek to profit from. I went to law school in order to fill a niche my movement needed. Twenty-five years later, I am grateful to stand in solidarity with movements like the Atlanta forest defenders, Water Protectors, pipeline resisters, antifascists, and those fighting for Black lives, among many others. I am proud to have founded the Civil Liberties Defense Center knowing that we will have your back when state repression comes to town.
In solidarity always,
photo: Parker Coffman via Unsplash
Canadian Tire Fire #52: Far-Right Doxxings and Consequences, New Prisons, and Queer Community Defence
This week we share updates on two new proposals for prisons in New Brunswick and Quebec. We also have updates from many actions over the past few weeks defending libraries and university campuses alike from reactionary queer and transphobes. Finally, we share news of a recent doxxing of a far-Right recruiter in Ottawa, and updates from the court case of a prominent neo-Nazi.
An action took place in the Terrain Vague in Montreal this week, at the site of the ongoing struggle against the construction of a storage container yard. According to a post on social media, Ray-Mont Logistics had their work day disrupted and participants hoped to communicate that the project is not accepted by the neighborhood.New Prisons Proposed in Fredericton, Montreal
For the past year, New Brunswick government officials have been promoting the proposed construction of a new jail in Fredericton by arguing that jails in the province are massively overcrowded. However, a CBC investigation has shown that the statistics they are using to make this argument are inaccurate and misleading. NB recently changed the way they count prison capacity, and are now counting people serving time in the community as if they are taking up space in the prisons. These inflated numbers make it seem that jails are much more overcrowded than they are. And while NB jails were over capacity on average by single digits in 2022, in no other year since 2012 have they even been at capacity.
We know that overcrowding is much more easily solved by letting people out than building more jails, but this story shows that this jail should not be built, even by their their own logics.
A plan to build a $400 million women’s prison in Montreal has been announced. Construction will begin this year and if it is built it would be open in 2029. It is slated to have 237 beds. The news releases regarding the plan are already pretending that the project will be beneficial to incarcerated women, and “centre their reality.” No woman, nor anyone else, should be in prison.Far-Right Doxxings and Consequences
The Canadian Anti-Hate Network recently revealed the identity of a far-Right organizer based in Ottawa, who used the online name “Aquila the Eagle.” Ben Mockler, also known as Ben Burke, is the owner of the Nova Signum gym in Ottawa, and a personal trainer. He is also a recruiter for the Active Club Ottawa, the local branch of a set of white-only workout clubs across North America tied to the Vinland Hammerskins, a white power gang. He is also the administrator of several Telegram channels associated with the Church of Aryanity, a white supremacist organization. Mockler apparently had a falling out with the founder of the ‘church’ over whether members should be banned from having relationships with those who have been vaccinated.
In other news, neo-Nazi writer Gabriel Sohier-Chaput, also known as “Zeiger,” was found guilty of willfully inciting hate against an identifiable group for his statements about Jewish people. Sohier-Chaput was a writer and editor behind the popular neo-Nazi website The Daily Stormer, and contributor to the internet forum Iron March. An arrest warrant was first issued for Sohier-Chaput in 2018, after his identity was published by the Montreal Gazette based on research conducted by Montreal antifascists. He disappeared for two years, finally reappearing to face the charges in 2020.
In the end, the verdict of his charges hinged on comments made in one Daily Stormer article, which he tried to defend by positioning the writing as satire. No Borders Media, who live-tweeted the court date, rightfully pointed out that the Montreal Police Hate Crimes Unit brought forward an unfortunately weak case against Sohier-Chaput, failing to establish that he was a major contributor to a neo-Nazi website. Furthermore, they highlighted that the major victory in anti-fascist organizing in this case is the original doxxing of Zeiger in 2018, thanks to the dedicated work of anonymous antifascists.Drag Storytime Community Defense
1/ If you were at the Drag Defence event at Coquitlam Library earlier this month, you may have spotted Amy Hamm skulking around with the (vastly) outnumbered group of Free Speech Warriors attempting to shut down a voluntary drag event. A short thread on Amy Hamm & Team Freedumb. pic.twitter.com/SpVFLhN2EB
— Community Over Convoys (@COCVancouver) January 24, 2023
Over the past few weeks, communities across so-called Canada have stepped up to defend Drag Storytime events which have recently come under attack from the far-right. The Canadian Anti-Hate Network recently reported that that events in Coquitlam, Peterborough, Sault Ste. Marie, and Calgary, all witnessed protests and counter-protests, and that in each case those in support of queer-friendly kids events far outnumbered the haters. In Sault Ste Marie, over 100 people showed up to hold space outside a local library. In Coquitlam, supporters managed to surround the library and shield it from transphobic protesters. A party atmosphere and a division of tactics kept everyone safe and in good spirits. In Peterborough, folks came from as far as Ottawa and Toronto to support the event.Montreal Shuts Down Transphobe
On January 11th, over 100 people showed up to shut down a transphobic talk at McGill University. The talk, titled “The Sex vs. Gender (Identity) Debate In the United Kingdom and the Divorce of LGB from T” was to be given by a member of the UK-based group LGB Alliance, widely known for its anti-trans lobbying. The group has opposed legal protections for trans people from conversion therapy, and has argued for the exclusion of trans people from ‘LGB’ activism.
According to reports, the crowd stormed the conference room where the event was to take place and blocked the doors, mostly preventing attendees from accessing it. Shortly after it began, the talk was called off. Before the speaker left, he had baking flour thrown in his face by protesters.
From Le Monde Libertaire
By Jacques Lesage of The Hague
December 5, 2022
Serge Livrozet has just left us, this November 29, 2022. He was 83 years old. When we met, in 1971, he had just left the Centrale de Melun. I had spent my years in prison at the Centrale de Caen. We immediately shared a common history. It was the time of the Groupe Information Prisons, (GIP) which had been created by Michel Foucault, assisted by many intellectuals such as Pierre Vidal-Naquet and Jacques Donzelot. Very quickly, Serge distinguished himself from the rest of the activists, shouting: “Only the jailers have the right to talk about jail. Foucault, helped by Daniel Defert, created the Association for the Defense of Prisoners' Rights (ADDD), which lasted a year. Serge Livrozet stood out from the intellectuals, by creating, in 1972, the Action Committee of Prisoners (CAP) which dissolved in 1980. Without delay,
He also participated in the creation, in 1974, of the Marge Movement and, in 1978, of the Collective and Individual Emancipation Movement (MECI). In 1990 he joined the Berneri Group of the Anarchist Federation. He also hosted for several years a program on Radio libertarian, “Humours Noires”.
Since 1972, we have shared many battles against prison. The prisoners' newspaper, which we called the CAP , after the group that published it, featured articles by prisoners, past and present. We sold it most of the time in front of the prisons. This earned us arrests and, for many, the fact of being released far away, in the open countryside. I remember Fresnes and Fleury-Mérogis…
What gave scope to our Committee was the creation of groups everywhere in the provinces, in Belgium and even in Switzerland. Shortly after, revolts broke out in many prisons, which led outside to the creation of collectives in Lille, Lyon, Bordeaux, Nancy, Nantes, Rouen, Le Havre, Rennes and even in several countries of Europe.
We have had to support the fight of many prisoners and groups of detainees who have formed in Mende, Lille, Clairvaux, Moulins-Izeure and elsewhere. Let's not forget the rants of Serge, during a demonstration, shouting with his megaphone: "Mende, capital of Lozère and of torture" and, during a trial, where he had come to defend a convict, on reading the judgment, “ Rot of French justice! Having passed his baccalaureate in prison, Livrozet had learned to write as well as he spoke. This is what allowed him to write some resounding books. I retain, in particular From prison to revolt, his best work. He was the first of all those who were written in France, after him, on prison confinement. His second book, The Rage of the Walls, is a novel that takes up the same themes in a more personal way.
As for his third book, Diégo , he deepens the analogy, because the hero is a revolutionary dog…
Serge, years later, created a publishing house, Les Lettres libres, where he published works of which he was the author, as well as many other writers. Some of his main collaborators were, like him, former prisoners.
This is what leaves a confused veil hanging over the end of the adventure. In fact, there was the case of counterfeit money, seven million francs at the time… We couldn't help thinking that Serge Livrozet had been tricked. For several weeks, the police were hiding near the publishing house. Three people were arrested, including Serge.
A support committee has been set up. And, the day of the IPO of Paribas, about fifty people had padlocked all the entries of the Stock Exchange. At 1 p.m., during the opening, which did not happen, we threw in fake theater tickets, picked up hastily by the stockbrokers. ! Of course, Serge was cleared and released.
It is important to remember that, passing near a CRS bus, I heard one of them say: “ Do you realize, guys, they have closed the stock market! And another replied: “ They did well ”!
One of the axes of struggle and reflection of the Berneri group, of which Serge was a part, was to fight against all prisons, starting with those of our certainties, our prejudices, our daily cowardice. To be for the abolition of prison is the victory of life over death.Tags: obituaryFranceprisonsberneri group
Seattle officials deliberately 'purged' thousands of CHOP-related text messages, despite 'legal obligation' to retain them - federal judge
Seattle officials deliberately 'purged' thousands of CHOP-related text messages, despite 'legal obligation' to retain them - federal judge | 24 Jan 2023 | Several former and current Seattle, Washington, officials who were in office during the 2020 Capitol Hill Organized Protest or Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone -- better known as CHOP or CHAZ -- deliberately "purged" evidentiary text messages related to that event, a federal judge has determined. As a result, the jury that will eventually consider a lawsuit about that event may presume that the missing text messages were "unfavorable" to the city and to those officials...But physical violence was not the only harm CHOP caused. Businesses located within the occupied territory suffered serious injury to their bottom line, to say nothing of the integrity of their buildings, because protesters refused to allow employees and clients to access them. More than a dozen of those businesses quickly filed a lawsuit against the city, claiming that officials had supported CHOP by providing various accommodations to the protesters...Now, a federal judge has determined that that lawsuit can go to trial.
Open (desperate) letter to those who eat our same bread
it is to you, and only you (‘wreckers’, not consensus interceptors; avowed dreamers, not pragmatists when required – militants and opportunists please refrain) that we are turning to in these dark times, when every horizon seems to be closing in on us. To you, known over the years in Italy and around the world, or even completely unknown, the only ones who can understand our current state of mind and our words.
Many argue that those who have no hope to convey should keep quiet. Although this would explain the silence into which many of us are sliding, we don’t agree. In fact, in a way we think exactly the opposite: those who should shut up are the ones who persist in peddling enchanting narratives (from heavenly paradise as a reward for earthly resignation to communism as the ineluctable outcome of capitalist development, passing through the insurrection that comes with every citizens’ mobilisation or street riot). Especially now – with humanity well on the way to extinction, a planet on the verge of ecological collapse, a social massacre that gets worse every day, a war that brandishes nuclear weapons, voluntary servitude so generalised as to make any aspiration to even the slightest freedom ridiculous – it seems to us more urgent and essential than ever to look deeply into reality and not to skim the surface of things in order to draw comforting illusions from it. That is why this letter is desperate, because it is born of discouragement in the face of a situation that in all respects appears hopeless, with no way out.
We are not hiding it. We have gambled on the encounter between thought and action, we are besieged by opinion and representation. We have invoked the Ego and its Own, we are surrounded by the Selfie and its vanity. We have tried to spread utopia, we are submerged in realism. We have loved the most excessive and singular ideas, we are at the mercy of the most homologising and massifying propaganda. We longed for the awakening of consciousness, we find ourselves trapped in the calculus of the algorithm. We have prioritised ethics, we are swept away by politics. Poetry may have survived Auschwitz (and television?), but critical thinking has been annihilated in Silicon Valley.
We have become like the German revolutionaries encountered by Stig Dagerman in the immediate post-war period: living ruins, dignified but unfrequentable.
And now? What ( do we ) have left to say now, when words have lost all meaning everywhere? High up as well as low down, in palaces as well as in the streets, everything has turned into querulous chatter, a huge farce that leaves one dismayed and bewildered. Yet another demonstration of this can be seen in recent days in the reaction to the indefinite hunger strike undertaken by the anarchist prisoner Alfredo Cospito, on whose announced, predicted, feared, desired by some, corpse, a true masquerade has unfolded.
Have you ever heard of Satanta, i.e. White Bear, chief warrior of the Kiowa, one of the many Native American tribes? Tall, of massive build, he took part in many battles, distinguishing himself by his courage. He was one of the first Indian chiefs to be tried by a white court. He served a couple of years in prison and was then released, but fearing that he might arouse the warlike instincts of the younger Indians, he was put back in prison again shortly afterwards. For some years White Bear spent hours and hours peering through the bars. His eyes looked north, the hunting ground of his people. When he realised that he would never again ride free in the middle of the forests and prairies, when he realised that he would never again sleep in a tepee (a tent with a circular base, symbol of movement and equality), when he realised that he would never see the other members of his tribe again, but would rot in a rectangular concrete cell, he decided to end it all. He threw himself out of a prison hospital window in Huntsville, Texas, on 11 October 1878. An understandable choice, his. A human choice.
Alfredo Cospito is also tall and until recently of massive build; he is not a Native American, he is an anarchist who ended up in prison over ten years ago for having shot the legs of the chief manager of atomic energy in Italy, CEO of Ansaldo Nucleare of Genova. He has been on hunger strike since October 20th in protest against the 41 bis prison regime, which he has been subjected to since last May. His life is in danger, but he has no intention of giving up. He says he will go on to his last breathe; knowing his stubbornness and determination, he is capable of it. He alone can say what he can and what he will not accept. He alone can decide what to do with his own body. How to live, how to die. And why.
So far, nothing to object to. To each his own choices, whether shared or not. However, unlike White Bear, Alfredo Cospito has made a political choice. He is defying death to pursue a specific claim. With his hunger strike he wants to obtain the abolition of 41 bis, i.e. means to push the State to delete the so-called ‘hard prison’ from its rules. As the days pass, as more or less resounding solidarity actions are spreading all over the world and as a tragic outcome approaches, his battle is stirring up more and more of an outcry. That reactionaries are outraged by this ‘blackmail’ of institutions by a convict is in the order of things and not worth dwelling on. In the same way, it is no wonder that progressives or pseudo-dissidents of various stripes are rushing to ride this ‘civilised, non-violent protest’, which is why we can only shrug our shoulders at the solidarity expressed by the usual beautiful souls (priests, intellectuals, artists), and turn our noses up at that expressed by the filthy figures (such as magistrates, ex-ministers and neo-fascists)… It is the game of sides, and there is no point in trying to make sense of it.
Having said that, however, we cannot help but pose a question to those with the ears and hearts to hear it: would so much honeyed cross-party interest have been possible if the underlying claim was not in itself of a political-humanitarian nature?
What we mean is well understood by the lawyer of the anarchist himself, when he declares that «the great merit of Cospito is to have brought back into the public debate what 41 bis is and whether or not it is compatible with the Constitution». These are not simply the words of a lawyer doing his job to the best of his ability, it is the only possible perspective of the question raised: if the task of prison is to re-educate, as they pretend to make us believe, what is the point of a harsh punitive regime such as 41 bis? Shouldn’t the State abolish it, or at least limit it as much as possible (to mafiosi who dissolve children in acid, goes the popular refrain, as if it were not well known that the State freed those mafiosi as soon as they repented)? It may be the subject of public debate, but it is still a purely institutional issue. Not social, nor popular, nor class, much less nihilist, but institutional. This is noted and reiterated in the appeal in favour of Cospito addressed ‘to the Prison Administration, the Minister of Justice and the Government’ and signed by dozens and dozens of jurists, magistrates and academics in various capacities: «To configure as defiance or blackmail the attitude of those who make the body the ultimate instrument of protest and affirmation of their identity is to betray our Constitution, which places human life and the dignity of the person at the top of the values, to whose protection the State is entrusted, for its own legitimacy and credibility, not as a concession to those who oppose it. Therein lies the difference between democratic States and authoritarian regimes».
Here, one only has to read such sentences and the names of the signatories to understand what really motivates their concern: the attempt to salvage what can be saved in the total shipwreck the law has run into. In a sense, those who say they want to save Alfredo Cospito to defend democracy, since the latter is so delegitimised that there is a need to counterbalance its aberrations with some noble gesture. Saving the life of an anarchist who has never killed anyone could be just the occasion. «Yes, it’s true, we killed the insurgent prisoners of Modena and slaughtered those of Ivrea, we have made the lives of millions of people impossible, but come on, after all, we were lenient with that anarchist…». This is what can drive Gherardo Colombo to be concerned about Cospito, he who will always be remembered as the judge who killed Pinelli a second time. Motivation that can also be extended to those who, like Adriano Sofri or Donatella Di Cesare, participated in the lynching of opponents of the health pass.
But all the occasional outpourings of good feelings in this world are no longer able to hide the stark fact: democracy is an authoritarian regime. And this, after three years of humiliation of human life and dignity by the State in the name of public health, is no longer a radical criticism formulated by a few hotheads; it is a banal observation.
You don’t need to be an anarchist to understand that the Constitution is nothing but arse-paper, one need only look at the repeated public use of it by its own admirers in recent times. Even those who have built up solid erudition and philosophical reputation on the interpretation of the law have recently been forced to admit that they can no longer confront a jurist or anyone who denounces the way in which the law and the constitution have been manipulated and betrayed, not put the law and the constitution in question in the first place. It is perhaps necessary, to not keep talking in the present tense, to recall that neither Mussolini nor Hitler needed to question existing constitutions in Italy and Germany, but found within them the devices they needed to establish their regimes? Is it possible, that is, that the gesture of those who are trying to base their battle on the constitution and rights today is already defeated at the outset? It is as if certain procedures or principles which we believed in or, rather, pretended to believe in have now shown their true face, which we cannot fail to see. It is paradoxical that what even an academic like Agamben has managed to understand escapes most of the subversives clamouring for an end to 41 bis today. Drawn by moral pressure to avert the death of an anarchist, they fail to see the point of their mobilisation.
Suffice it to observe how, on this ongoing hunger strike, the tone remains the same if you go from the palaces and courtrooms to the streets. In fact, you become pathetic, to say the least. Never mind the embarrassing panegyric to the sanctity of martyrdom. But what can we say about that continuous distinction between bad mafiosi and good anarchists, or the deplorable denunciation of the disproportion between deeds committed and punishments inflicted (certainly nothing new, given the 14 years’ imprisonment for the days of Genoa 2001), Appropriate points of merit in the courts, but decidedly nauseating in the mouths of those who no longer have the audacity to advocate always and only the destruction of prisons? What about the usual ‘quantitative mania’, which does so much to inflate but nothing to grow, cultivated by those who register the occasional burps of conscience from magistrates and intellectuals as evidence of broad consensus?
Well, it is certainly impossible to say what is more unintentionally comical, whether the proposal put forward by a Norwegian politician to award the Nobel Peace Prize to one of the greatest warlords (the NATO secretary), or the initiative of some ‘anarchists’ aimed at breaking the «deafening silence of the tenant of the Quirinale», to «awaken the conscience (and the blissful sleep…) of those who should protect the safeness ofAlfredo». In learning from those who never cease to declare themselves «in solidarity with Alfredo and his practices» that a head of State should watch over the health of an enemy of the State, one feels like paraphrasing the words of a famous French anarchist who went to the gallows – in the virtual war they have declared on the bourgeoisie, certain anarchists ask for protection; they do not give death, they demand not to suffer it.
Contrary to those who are basking in a mirage, inferring an electrifying weakness of the State from the expressions of some of the television journalists who comment on Cospito’s hunger strike, to us it seems on the contrary that it is the anarchists to have become more than weak, authentic caricatures, when they are reduced to becoming megaphones of constitutional political battles. The State no longer even needs to liquidate the anarchist movement, which has liquidated itself by renouncing its own ideas in order to implement pragmatic tactical convergences.
If so much of the left is aligning itself with the anarchists today, it is not because it is compelled to do so by the force of events, but because these anarchists are now almost the only ones left to take up the call to «say something left-wing, something even not left-wing, something civilised… something» – such as calling for the abolition of 41 bis. Incidentally, have you wondered what glimmer of victory is possible in such a battle? Given that the agony of an anarchist in prison and a few smashed windows are unlikely to succeed in 2023 in breaking the State any more than the mafia bombs that exploded thirty years ago, what else remains on the table? The remission in his case of detention from 41 bis and the non-application of life imprisonment without appeal? Wow, what a great victory: he would only be looking at twenty years in prison under a high-security regime…
Forty years ago there were those who criticised the proposed amnesty for political prisoners following this reasoning: the moral pressure of four thousand bodies dying in solitude cannot justify bargaining with the State, one must not demand the release of comrades to resume the struggle, one must resume the struggle to impose the release of comrades.
Even taking into account the different historical contexts, a millennium has indeed passed if today we have come to the point of making the change of prison regime for one anarchist (plus three stalinists and a few hundred alleged mafiosi) the aim of mobilising an entire movement. One has a fine tale to tell about the anarchist extrapotence in the Italian situation as a whole, imagining today hordes of bourgeois angry at the State guilty of having «unleashed» the anarchists, just as yesterday someone imagined the resurrection of the Paris Commune under the skies of Venaus.
The reality is that the State now dominates in such an unchallenged manner that it can afford anything, from letting anarchists rot in jail as it pleases to indicting trade unionists for extortion, to applying special surveillance to ecologist activists. Why shouldn’t it do this? Because it is unconstitutional? If it has locked up 60 million honest citizens with hardly a peep from anyone, indeed to the applause of many r-r-revolutionaries, it may well bury an anarchist dead or alive. Without even having to justify its actions. To whom should it be accountable? To the journalists? To the intellectuals? To the politicians? To jurists? To public opinion? To the subjects who are afraid of their own shadow and even of their own breath? To those subversives capable only of demanding that the State behave in a better, fairer, more just manner?
The victory of the State is truly total when its enemies are reduced to speaking its own language and show that they no longer want to storm the heavens (contenting themselves with defending a few dens on earth).
Alfredo Cospito is still alive and continues his hunger strike. He is doing what he can and what he can think of to get out of the hole in which he has been confined. But since he is in the hands of the State, and it is exclusively on institutional ground that this game is being played, there is no reason to be optimistic about his fate. The government has ample opportunity to juggle the situation. It may not give a damn and go ahead according to strutting patriotic tradition, it may prolong the prisoner’s ordeal with force-feeding, it may show magnanimity today in order to be more cruel tomorrow. It may even show some humanitarian disposition and then pull the plug («oops, a complication intervened, we’re sorry, we did everything, but you know how it is, his body was debilitated»). As every gambler knows, the house always wins in the long run.
«If the Sinopes condemned me to exile, I condemn them to stay in their homeland!” Diogenes the Cynic is said to have said. Art of putting on a good face or furious philosophy of life? Beloved comrades, we too are condemned to exile, to perpetual exile since there is no longer any place for us in this world.
One dream after another, one desire after another, one freedom after another, everything is being snatched away from us. And the knowledge that the extinction of the lovers of freedom will only just precede that of the advocates of authority is not much consolation to us. But here, in the midst of loneliness and despair, there is not only despondency, bitterness, melancholy, nausea. Here there is also what is called the courage of despair, that determination to try everything because one has nothing left to lose.
Let us find this courage. Let us condemn the domesticated bipeds to stay in their homeland, without wasting any more time chasing their parties, their classes, their movements. Let us enrich the ways of exile. Let us prepare to face solitude. Let us train ourselves to survive in the desert, to move in the desert, to fight in the desert. Without any more qualms, without any more pity. By furious philosophy of life, by vengeful philosophy of life.
Death, life lies in waiting.
From Act for Freedom Now!
Account from some anarchists who joined from out of town last saturday:
Shouting the whole way with passion and rage, 80 of us marched for over hour out of the town of Martorell, to the two prisons of Brians in the Catalan countryside. With chants, music and fireworks, we let the people held captive know they’re not forgotten, despite all the state’s intentions to isolate them. And through the walls and layers upon layers of fences, they called and whistled back.
The Catalan government want to build two more hellholes in the Zona Franca area of Barcelona by 2027: a 800-person “open regime” men’s prison, and a 600-person women’s prison to replace the existing one of Wad-Ras. Development has been delayed after the discovery of heavy metals in the soil. The government says it wants to develop the women’s prison “from a feminist perspective, describing the plans as “gender sensitive” and supporting “female empowerment”! Here we see the inevitable endgame of leftist politics: prison societies with enhanced perceptions of freedom, built on the dying embers of social war….
ABAJO LOS MUROS DE LAS PRISIONES!
DOWN WITH EVERY STATE AND NATION!
FOR FREEDOM, FOR ANARCHY.
Tags: demomarchreportbackSpainFTTPabolish prisonsCatalunya
From Avis de Tempetes
Storm warnings, anarchist bulletin for the social war, issue 57-58 (October 2022) came out. It is the full English translation of Avis de Tempêtes.
Storm warnings, issue 57-58 (October 15, 2022) :
“Europe is overflowing with hundreds of billions of dollars for its economic recovery and rearmament plans, quite the opposite of a reduction in its electricity production centers seems to be in the making, with Germany, for example, having just reactivated all of its hundred or so coaland
lignite-based power plants (including the 27 that had previously been suspended in order to meet its carbon emission goals), and also extended the operation of its last three nuclear power plants, which were due to be shut down by the end of 2022. This grandiose combination of 19th century
coal with 20th century nuclear power to feed the devouring requirements of 21st century industry and digital technology is not surprising…”
Tags: Storm WarningsAvis de Tempêtestranslationsocial warbulletin
From Freedom News UK
This is something I’ve been pondering a lot over the past year or two. As those of us whose political activism started in the 60s and has carried on until now, us older rebels are beginning to realise there’s little available where we can still ponder and have a good stimulating conversation with others the same age who still fancy overthrowing the state and fucking up capitalism. Physical ailments, frailties, mobility issues prevent us from getting out there on the livelier protests – apart from that we’d be in the way and be an ideal target for cops when the younger more agile comrades have managed to leg it. Then of course there’s the transport – my own main station into London is Norwood Junction: a very busy station that has no access for anyone in a wheelchair. Bollox innit.
So what do we do? I’m talking from experience – I’m in my 70s and full time carer for partner Ian who has advanced Parkinsons. I’ve been looking round Croydon at various day centres for Ian. I thought it might be an option for an occasional break for him, and a break from caring 24/7 for me. Plus these centres have on duty nursing care available should assistance be required with any of the undignified personal bodily functions that come with getting older. But the options are shit: the majority of the places offering day centre places are for dementia sufferers and those that aren’t seem to get treated like they got it anyway. The staff speak to the old ‘uns like we’re 5 years old, in these pitying little voices. “How are you today Poppet” “ooh don’t you look pretty today” etc. Crap below mediocre “entertainers” with Michael Fabricant wigs come to try to jolly everyone along with shit sexist jokes, a stupid puppet and singing along to songs that were popular two decades before these people were even born. There’s also such an assumption that because we’re old we’ve lost any interest in what’s going on, apart from of course assuming we’re all royalists and stick us in chairs with those crocheted square blankets and a little Union Jack flag to wave at the TV at any monarchist event. Cos old people love the Royals don’t they.
Something needs to be put in place for us current and future old rebels and I’m wondering how this would work in the UK. There’s this whole lot of us ageing anarchos with nowhere to fit in. Catching up soon will be the anarcho punks from the 1970s who will have as much luck settling into the present older care system as a fox at a hunt ball. And then everyone else following decade by decade.
My current thoughts are that there could be “Hubs” around led by people with sound politics and able to co-ordinate the personal care/mobility issues, arrange transport etc. Groups where discussions on political issues can take place, maybe films, a bit of reminiscence sharing about our best riots/ protests etc. And of course visits to the pub. Maybe even form groups where we go on the offensive with a “don’t mess with us you patronising wankers” message.
Present day care homes are also a major worry. When you’re too frail, unwell, or disabled to live independently, what is the option? Currently care homes have the same patronising attitude to older people as day centres but ten times worse as you’re stuck there 24/7. “Time for your bed/shower/now dear. The Mayor is coming to visit tomorrow and we want to look our best for him don’t we”. Well actually, no we fucking don’t.
There are a few ageing anarchists who have just given up trying to engage politically and have just chosen to isolate at home and withdraw, feeling like they’re “no use” any more and their views are worthless to the younger lot. Not in a self pitying way, but there is a tendency amongst some junior anarchists that we older lot don’t know what the fuck we’re talking about cos we’re not out there breaking into squats or living the perfect vision of an activist lifestyle, but mainly cos we’re old.
Other cultures and other countries have a much more integrated generational mix, where older people aren’t cast aside as useless old nuisances who know fuck all but are respected as elders.
Something’s got to change, but it’s got to come from us and not the ageist ideas borne from capitalism, and I think the younger anarchists need to start building on this if we can ever achieve a society based on mutual aid and looking out for our own. After all, one day they’ll be old too and unless things change they won’t be happy with what’s on offer.
Image: Rick The Draft DodgerTags: Freedom News UKagingageism
2 articles from Scenes from the Atlanta Forest
On the night of January 20th 2023, 30 mournful anarchists took vengeful action against our enemies for the murder of Cami/Tortuguita in the Atlanta Forest two days prior. We shattered dozens of windows along the glass facade of a Bank of America building in downtown Oakland, destroyed the ATM’s, and repainted the walls with people’s messages of love, memory, solidarity, and rage at the assassination of our comrade before lighting the place up with molotov cocktails.
Bank of America is an enemy of the people and life itself. They currently fund the construction of cop city in Atlanta, the same project that threatens the forest that Tortuguita died defending. They deserve no place in our landscape. We destroyed quickly but tirelessly. Like the peasants in the Jacquerie, the Luddite wreckers, or the Haitian revolutionaries, we seek liberation in the most obvious way: the destruction of what we know is the cause of our suffering. And if we destroy much, it is because we have suffered much. “Vengeance! Vengeance!” is our war-cry.
To our enemies who seek to liquidate our lives and the earth: you will not murder us with impunity! We will strike back, each time more fiercely than before. The more you take from us, the more we have to fight for—the less we have to lose.
To our fallen comrades: your deaths will never be in vain! We will avenge you one thousand times over! Your blood is our blood. Your lives light the path of our struggle, and this is only the beginning.
We support Tortuguita whether they shot at the pigs or not. A shot fired at police is an act of liberation.
TORTUGUITA VIVE, LA LUCHA SIGUE
MARTYRS NEVER DIE
THE FLAME OF ANARCHY BURNS BRIGHT
COP CITY WILL NEVER BE BUILT
FOR A WORLD FREE OF MONEY, COPS, AND PRISONS
FOR A WORLD FILLED WITH TREES, ANIMALS, AND LIFE
WEELAUNEE PEOPLE’S FOREST FOREVER
Submitted anonymously over email
On Saturday 1/21 there was a vigil for Tortuguita Manuel Teran. A group of about 40 adults and children placed candles and homemade signs by the turtle in Clark Park.
People spontaneously made speeches about Tortuguita’s death. The speeches touched on people’s experience of them, grief, martyrdom, and continuing to struggle. People called on each other to target cop city’s sponsors and the contractors responsible for building.
After people had been speaking for a while a small group broke off from the vigil. They took the street with banners. Barricades from a nearby construction site were pulled into the street to block cops and traffic. As the march moved graffiti memorializing Tortuguita and against police was tagged. A realty office had its windows smashed.
Even though Philly is far from Atlanta, Tortuguita’s death has been deeply felt here. We are angry. We are watching. We are acting. Cop city will never be built.
Neither innocent nor guilty
Neither terrorists nor protesters
A warm embrace to those arrested in Atlanta, Seattle and everywhere else
Death to civilization
Submitted anonymously over emailTags: OaklandPhiladelphiaTortuguitaDefend Atlanta Forest
From Anarkismo by Wayne Price
What Anarchists Can Learn from the Spanish Revolution & the Vietnam War
Anarchists can learn important lessons in relation to the Ukraine-Russia war by looking at the Spanish revolution of the thirties and the movement against the Vietnam-US war of the sixties.
The Ukraine-Russia war is shaking the world. Dealing with it, anarchists and other far-left radicals can learn much from contrasting it to previous conflicts. I chose to contrast it to two previous wars, the Spanish revolution (because of its importance in anarchist history) and the Vietnam-U.S. war (because I participated in the movement against the war).
Revolutionaries study revolutions. For example, the anarchist Peter Kropotkin wrote a history of the French Revolution. Yet I have seen little discussion of the present-day Ukrainian-Russian war which relates it to past revolutionary wars. (For the purpose of this essay, I am lumping together revolutions, civil wars, and wars of national liberation.)
The Ukrainian conflict is not an internal revolution or civil war—it is a war of national liberation, of an oppressed people against an imperialist invasion. But revolutionary anarchists and other anti-authoritarian radicals need a strategy to deal with it. They need to relate their activities in the war to their goal of an international revolution of the working class and all oppressed, winning a world of freedom, self-determination, and cooperation. This is a matter of general strategy, program and principles, not of immediate tactics and slogans. Those depend on the specific time and place and only Ukrainians can determine them. Yet general strategies, as developed in reaction to past revolutions, may be relevant to today’s conflicts.
The Spanish Revolution
Trotskyists focus on the Russian Revolution, Maoists on the Chinese Revolution, and anarchists on the Spanish revolution (1936—1939)—also called the Spanish civil war. Not that anarchists do not look at Russia, China, or other upheavals. But Spain had a revolution in which the anarchists (mostly anarcho-syndicalists) played a major role. They had a relatively large anarchist organization (the FAI—Iberian Anarchist Federation) which led a major union federation (the CNT—National Confederation of Labor). This held at least a half of the organized working class—the Socialist Party (Marxist reformists) led the union federation of the other half (the UGT—General Union of Workers). In the most industrialized region in Spain, Catalonia, with its capital of Barcelona, the anarchist-led union predominated. With these advantages, how did the Spanish anarchists do when a revolutionary civil war broke out in 1936?
In 1936, Spain had elected a Popular Front government, replacing the previous very conservative regime. The Popular Front was composed of liberal and moderate pro-capitalist parties, plus the Socialist Party and the Communist Party. In left terminology, a “Popular Front” is different from a “United Front.” The United Front is an alliance only of working class groupings, such as the Socialists, Communists, and anarchists, in class opposition to the parties of the capitalist class. A Popular Front is a cross-class alliance of workers’ parties with parties representing a wing of the capitalist class. By its very nature, it cannot go beyond the limits of capitalism, if it wants to work with a party committed to capitalism. During the civil war, this regime was known as “Republicans” (they rejected the return of a monarchy) or “Loyalists.”
Despite the moderation of the Popular Front government, the right attempted to overthrow it in July 1936. The core of the right was the military, led by a thoroughly reactionary officer corps (which the Popular Front had not tried to disband). It also included a self-declared fascist movement (the “Falange”), monarchists, and ultra-conservative Catholics. During the war, these were lumped together as “Fascists” or “Rebels.”
The soldiers left their barracks in Spain to seize the cities, while importing a mercenary army which was based in the colony of Morocco. The Popular Front politicians waffled, insisted that nothing was happening, and refused to give arms to the workers. But the workers, rose up, formed committees, seized arms and dynamite, and beat back the soldiers in most of the country. What was to have been a quick coup became a drawn-out and vicious civil war.
The anarchists’ leaders felt that they were in a quandary. The Republican state had essentially collapsed. The army, most of the police, and much of the government officials had gone over to the Fascists. So had the businesspeople and agrarian landlords. In their place were the working people, using the existing union structures but also organizing a multitude of committees for defense, policing the streets, distributing food, setting up militia forces to go fight the fascists, and taking over factories, farms, and businesses to keep them running.
Under these conditions it might have seemed logical for the anarchists (of the CNT union and FAI anarchist association) to “take power” at least in Catalonia. But they did not. (“Taking power”, if we use that phrase, for anarchists does not mean “taking state power.” It means the working people overthrow the state and capital and establish alternate, federated, participatory-democratic, institutions, but not a socially-alienated bureaucratic-military elite machine over the rest of society—that is, not a new state.)
The leading anarchists feared antagonizing the non-anarchists, who were half the organized working class. They argued that if their union took over, this would establish a “dictatorship.“ Better to have a “democratic” collaboration with pro-capitalist liberals! (This could have been approached by forming broad workers’ and peasants’ councils, in which members of all parties and unions could participate.) They feared losing the support of the Popular Front parties. They feared the reaction from the imperialist democracies (France, the UK, and also the US).
Instead of promoting a revolution from below, the anarchist leadership made alliances with the bourgeois Republican parties. Within a brief time period, they had joined the Popular Front, and entered the government (actually two governments, one at the regional level in Catalonia and the national state regime). Influential militants ended up supporting the capitalist state and serving in various administrative positions. The same was true of the smaller but still significant left-Marxists of the POUM (Party of Marxist Unification). Some of its leaders had previously been influenced by Leon Trotsky, but he denounced them for joining the Popular Front governments and broke with them. (Trotsky 1973) Whatever their subjective goals, the leaders of the CNT—FAI and of the POUM became complicit in the rebuilding of the state.
However, without the revolutionary spirit of the mass of people, and without the flexibility of the revolutionary forces, the war became a standard war. Urban uprisings and guerrilla tactics were ruled out. This gave the advantage to the regular Spanish army on the fascist side. This was especially true since Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy were sending arms and soldiers to them, while the “democracies” would not send military aid to the Republic.
Comparing the current Ukrainian war with the Spanish civil war, the Ukrainian anarchists have not made this political mistake. As far as I know, even while supporting the Ukrainian side of the war, they have not voted for or endorsed V. Zelensky as president, nor his political party or any other party, nor joined the government as politicians or administrators. Nor have any of their left critics accused them of doing this. In fact they have opposed the government’s neo-liberal austerity program and anti-union policies.
A Revolutionary Anarchist Program
While the leadership of the anarchists became more and more drawn into supporting the state, opposition developed among other anarchists, especially in the ranks of the CNT and among women anarchists. One such group was the Friends of Durruti, but by no means the only one.
(This is covered extensively in Evans 2020. Also Guillamon 1996.) Diverse opinions were expressed, but overall there appeared a common revolutionary program, counterposed to that of the anarchist leadership.
This program included quitting the Popular Front and the capitalist government in all aspects. Expropriation of the capitalists and landlords and “socialization” of the economy—not government nationalization but industrial management by the workers, through their unions and/or workers’ councils, coordinating themselves, and peasant self-collectivization of agriculture. (Both were done, very successfully, in Catalonia and other parts of Spain; see Dolgoff 1974.) Arms for the fighters and militia people at the front, with the armed forces being voluntary and self-organized. “As to the army, we want a revolutionary one led exclusively by workers….” (Balius 1978; p. 37) Arms for the workers and peasants in the rear areas, distributed and organized by popular committees—replacing the police and rearguard armed forces.
Spreading the popular committees—for defense, policing, industrial production, farming, and decision-making, including all working people, regardless of union or party affiliation. These would centrally coordinate by federating regionally and nationally. The Friends of Durruti Group proposed to replace the state with a “Revolutionary Junta”—meaning a national coordinating council democratically elected by the workers, peasants, and militia fighters. “Unity of the barricades”—alliance of anarchists with all revolutionary forces, including left Marxists: the left of the POUM and the left of the Socialist Party.
The Spanish Trotskyists—not the POUM—supported this program, but were very small. (See Morrow 1974) This is not to go into the differences of their goals from the anarchists. Today’s Trotskyists sometimes condemn anarchism because the leading Spanish anarchists abandoned their program and joined the capitalist state. This is a valid criticism, but it ignores the fact that many anarchists disagreed with this policy. Also, that the big majority of Marxists—the Socialists, the Communists, the POUM—also joined the capitalist state.
There were other issues. Anarchist women organized for women’s open and equal participation in the armed struggle and in all areas of social life. They had to fight against patriarchal and sexist attitudes among many male anarchists. There was the question of national self-determination for the colony of Morocco. A large part of the Spanish army was composed of Moroccans. Their loyalty to the Fascist army might have been severely shaken if the Spanish Loyalists had promised Morocco independence, or at least, autonomy. Anarchists and Moroccan nationalists proposed this but the Popular Front politicians would not hear of it. Among other factors, such a move would have antagonized the French and British governments, who had their own large colonies in North Africa and the Middle East! (In the end, these governments, and the US, gave little help to the Republic, even though France also had a Popular Front government. The only government which did sell—not give—Spain much armament was the Soviet Union—at a high price, financially and politically.)
How would such a revolutionary program be achieved, with the civil war raging, in the lull between revolutionary upsurges? Just as some anarchists today do not support either side of the Ukrainian-Russian war, so some revolutionaries did not support either side in the Spanish civil war. This included the Bordiguists (the “Italian Faction” of “ultra-left,” authoritarian, and very sectarian Marxists) and some in the Trotskyist milieu who were to the left of Trotsky. These supported neither the Fascists nor the Republicans. The Republic, they pointed out, was a capitalist state as well as imperialist. Revolutionary socialists did not take sides in wars between capitalist states, they said.
A Bordiguist writes of Spain’s civil war, “War between a fascist state and an antifascist state is not a revolutionary class war. The proletariat’s intervention on one side is an indication that it has already been defeated….War on the military fronts implied abandonment of the class terrain…[and] defeat for the revolutionary process.” (Guillamon 1996; p. 10)
This sounds very similar to arguments being raised now by parts of the left, particularly anarchists, for not supporting the Ukrainians in their war of national defense and self-determination against imperialist Russia. Russia and Ukraine are both capitalist nation states, and Ukraine, if not also imperialist, is getting military aid from US imperialism.
In Spain, at the time, few if any anarchists accepted such arguments. They knew the workers would not understand this “radical” justification for non-participation in the fight against the Fascists. In World War I the main issue had been the imperialist competition for markets, profits, and power. In the Spanish civil war, imperialism was not the main issue. It was the fight to preserve workers’ freedoms and rights (even as limited as they were under bourgeois democracy) from fascism. Even more, the possibility of moving from capitalism to anarchist-socialism was infinitely greater if the Fascists were being defeated by the revolutionary struggles of the working class, even if it was, at first, under the rule of the Republican capitalists.
The left-anarchist Friends of Durruti Group laid out their approach this way:
“There must be no collaboration with capitalism whether outside the bourgeois state or from within the government itself. As producers our place is in the unions, reinforcing the only bodies that ought to survive a revolution by the workers. Class struggle is no obstacle to workers continuing at present to fight on the battlefields and working in the war industries….
“We are opposed to collaboration with bourgeois groups. We do not believe the class approach can be abandoned. Revolutionary workers must not shoulder official posts, nor establish themselves in ministries. For as long as the war lasts, collaboration is permissible—on the battlefield, in the trenches, on the parapets and in productive labor in the rearguard….” (Balius 1978; pp 35, 38)
In Spain, there was a second flair up of working class struggle in May 1937. There was a conflict between the CNT workers, who controlled the central telephone building in Barcelona, and the police, directed by the Communist Party (now completely Stalinist). The police attacked the telephone center, in an effort to take it away from the workers. They were driven off and the city’s workers rose up and took over the streets. A true revolution could have been consummated there, with the workers taking over a major region and appealing to the workers and peasants throughout Spain. Instead, the leaders of the CNT (and POUM) ordered the workers back to work, insisting on peace and cooperation with the Stalinized police (that is, capitulation to the re-consolidation of the capitalist state). After that, the war dragged on for a couple of years until the fascists won, but the possibility of revolution had been defeated.
Unfortunately, while the anarchist left had developed a program for revolution, it had not organized itself to fight for these policies. It was too tied to its traditional organizations and their leaders. There were elements of an organization that could have widely raised this program and organized an alternative to the established Socialists, POUMists, and influential anarchists. But these elements never coalesced into a single strong grouping or even into a united front of revolutionary groupings. (I am not speaking of a “party” in the sense of a centralized organization which aims to take power for itself, set up its own state, and rule over [“lead”] the people, but for an organization to fight for a revolutionary program.) So the programs of the “reasonable”, “practical,” anarchists and socialists, of allying with the capitalists and subordinating themselves to the Stalinists, led to disaster. As a world movement, anarchism received a great defeat.
There are justified wars (as evil as war always is), such as the Spanish civil war against fascism or the current Ukrainian war of national self-determination. While a capitalist state still rules, anarchists should not give any support to the government. They should politically criticize it and spread their own propaganda. Meanwhile they should participate in the just struggle, along with the rest of the working class and oppressed. They should work in the industries and serve in the armed forces, and do their best to defeat the enemy militarily. Their aim is to get enough support and agreement from the people so that at some point (during or after the war) the people will make a revolution. They will overthrow the state, expropriate the rich, and replace capitalism with a self-managed, free, and cooperative society.
How this general strategy is carried out, of course, depends on the concrete situation of the country and the world, the time and place. In Ukraine today, anarchists are a small political tendency, but almost all support the war against the invasion. None have given political support to the Zelensky government. Some engage in non-military activities, such as working in hospitals or feeding people. Others form anarchist and anti-fascist groups that become part of the Territorial Defense network. Others join the regular armed forces wherever they can. This does not stop them from being anarchists.
The Vietnam-U.S. War
The Vietnam-U.S. war (1960–-1975) was called the “Vietnam War” in the U.S. and the “American War” in Vietnam. Whether it was a revolution has been argued about. (But then, people are still arguing whether 1776 in the U.S. was a “revolution” or a “war for independence.”) Yet old ruling classes (semi-feudal landlords and royalty, French businesspeople, military officers, and U.S. officials) were thrown out and a new one took power. This was a state-capitalist Communist bureaucracy, not, alas, the peasants and workers of Vietnam. During the period of the war, a great many on the left had illusions that some sort of socialist people’s revolution was going on. They were wrong. (For an account by a Vietnamese socialist of the brutal, treacherous, and tyrannical history of Ho’s Communists, see Van 2010.)
My comments here focus on aspects of the U.S. anti-war movement. (In Vietnam itself, Trotskyists and other dissidents such as anarchists, had been ruthlessly eliminated by the Communists.) For those radicals who saw through the “socialist” and “democratic” veil covering the Vietnamese Stalinists, it was seen as a war for self-determination, unification, and independence, whatever we thought of Ho Chi Minh and his party. For historical reasons, the Communists had won the support of the people as the leaders of their national liberation struggle. The peasants and workers of Vietnam should be able to decide their own future, not the U.S. army nor the U.S.’s bought-and-paid-for puppets.
To an extent, the Vietnam-U.S. War was a mirror image of the Ukraine-Russia War. The imperialist power was the U.S.A., with Russia supporting the national rebellion. After the Vietnamese had kicked out the French imperialists, the U.S. moved in. The country had been divided into two, against the will of the people, with the Stalinists taking the North. The U.S. state supported local politicians and military figures, subsidizing these puppets, until it became clear that they could not hold South Vietnam against North Vietnam and their own people. Rather than giving it up as a bad job, the U.S. doubled down, pouring soldiers and money into South Vietnam. At its height there were 500 thousand U.S. soldiers there.
Supporters of the U.S. war effort, tried to make it look like the war in the South was not an indigenous rebellion against a reactionary ruling class and foreign occupation. They claimed that the Southern resistance (the National Liberation Front or NLF—called “Viet Cong” by the U.S. forces) were mere puppets of the Northern government. And that the government of North Vietnam was a mere puppet of either Maoist China or the Soviet Union—which were fiercely antagonistic to each other at the time. (North Vietnam very carefully did not take sides in the Russian/Chinese polemics against each other.)
In truth, the NLF was politically controlled by the Northern state (contrary to many leftists who had illusions in its independence). Yet it was supported by nationalist sentiment and a genuine popular hatred of the invaders. Russia gave military aid to the North, which Mao let them send through China. This aid, while far less than the U.S. sent to its agents, was extremely important to keep the North in the war. However, to see the North as a puppet of other countries was delusional.
After decades of struggle against the French and the U.S., the Vietnamese won their war. They won independence and unification. On a world scale, this was a great setback for U.S. imperialism. For years, U.S. leaders bemoaned the “Vietnam syndrome”—the reluctance of the U.S. population to support more foreign wars. This victory was won at a great cost of so many dead, so much destroyed, so much land and forest poisoned. The country was now taken over by a Communist Party dictatorship and a state-capitalist economy. Thousands fled, by land and sea. However, there was no widespread massacre, as did happen in neighboring Kampuchea (Cambodia) under ultra-Stalinist Pol Pot. There were wars between Vietnam and its “comradely” neighbors in China and Kampuchea. Today the rulers of Vietnam encourage U.S. capitalists to invest in their country, using their cheap labor and lack of independent unions as selling points.
This is not an overview of the Vietnam-U.S. war nor of the U.S. antiwar movement, which played a part in the defeat of the U.S. As a young man, I participated in the U.S. anti-war movement, as an anarchist-pacifist and then an unorthodox Trotskyist (eventually I evolved into a revolutionary anarchist-socialist). I observed the war very intently. Meanwhile I put a lot of effort to keep from being drafted into the army. (For an overview of the war and the anti-war movement, see Neale 2003.)
Lessons of the Vietnam-U.S. War for Supporters of Ukraine
The U.S. anti-war movement had various divisions. On the right were liberal Democrats and moderate pacifists, mostly supported by pro-Moscow Communists. Their slogan was “Negotiations Now!” They called on the U.S. government to negotiate with the North Vietnamese and the NLF. The right-wing was for relying on the Democrats, which was a limited approach given that the war had been initiated and expanded by Democratic presidents and politicians.
On the left were radical pacifists and various Trotskyists (there were a few anarchists and libertarian Marxists). Maoists went back and forth. The left wing opposed the slogan of “Negotiations.” What was there to negotiate? they asked. The slogan implied that both sides had legitimate interests to be discussed. But the U.S. had invaded Vietnam and it should immediately leave. Of course the war would end with talks, but that was beside the point; it was important to take a clear political and moral stance against the U.S. being in the war. Their slogans were “Immediate Withdrawal,” “Bring the Troops Home Now!” or simply “Out Now!” Over time, this view came to predominate in the movement. (There were other controversies, such as whether the movement should only deal with the war or should raise other issues, such as racism. I will not go into that here.)
The relevance of this debate to the Ukraine-Russia war is obvious. Many peace-loving, “anti-war,” people have called for “negotiations” to end the war—for the U.S. state to pressure the Ukrainians to negotiate with Putin. But the point is the same. What, in principle, is there to negotiate about? The Russians started the war by invading their neighbor. They have no legitimate interests in the internal affairs of Ukraine. The Russians should withdraw. Advocating anything less is to accept that Russia has good reasons to be in Ukraine, and to be implicitly on its side of the war. Of course there will be talks, but the central issue remains: the Russian military must leave Ukraine, all of Ukraine, every square inch. “Out Now!”
Another related issue is that of national self-determination versus support for the government. In the Vietnam-U.S. war, many on the left became fanatical supporters of the Stalinist leadership of the national struggle. But we unorthodox and dissident Trotskyists, libertarian Marxists, and anarchists knew better. We were not surprised when Vietnam became a repressive one-party dictatorship and (mixed) state-capitalist economy after the war. We had predicted it. Those of us who supported the Vietnamese side had not been supporters of the North Vietnamese state nor the leadership of the NLF. We had been in solidarity with the Vietnamese people, mainly its peasants and workers. We supported their right to determine their own future, their independence, their economic and political system, whatever we thought of it.
No one has illusions that Ukraine is a “socialist” country. It has a capitalist economy (dominated by “oligarchs”) and a bourgeois-democratic representative government. The government is notoriously corrupt. There is a nationalist, neo-Nazi, movement in the country, although it has limited political power. These facts are used by some to justify non-support for the Ukrainian side, treating it as just as bad as the Russian imperialist aggressors.
However, the issue is not whether to support Zelensky’s government, nor even the Ukrainian state. Revolutionary anarchists do not. It is whether we stand in solidarity with the Ukrainian people. Aside from the state or the “oligarchs,” they have their own interests in not being invaded, occupied, bombed, driven from their homes, their children taken away and sent to Russia, their language suppressed, their people tortured, raped, and murdered, and their national resources looted. At present they support capitalism and the state. Maybe that will change over time. Ukrainian anarchists and socialists are working for that. That is the peoples’ decision, not the decision of the U.S. left or foreign anarchists, anymore than it should be the decision of the Russian army or the Wagner mercenaries. It is a matter of national self-determination.
Another related issue is that of inter-imperialist conflict. U.S. apologists argued that the rebellion in South Vietnam was part of a spread of world Communism. It was supposedly masterminded by the Kremlin or maybe by Mao. They denied that the Vietnamese could be their own agents. Everything was reduced to Cold War platitudes.
The Russians and Chinese did provide important aid to North Vietnam (not much to the NLF in the South). Ho Chi Minh and his closest comrades had been disciplined supporters of Stalin for decades, following every twist and turn of international Communist politics. Yet he had his own national interests, which were not simply the same as Russia’s. And the Vietnamese people had been fighting for their national freedom for generations. They supported Ho and the Communists only because they believed that they were leading a fight for independence. While the rivalry between the U.S. state and Russia (and China) was a significant backdrop to the war, it was not the main issue. That was the struggle for Vietnam’s self-determination.
The same issue has come up in the Ukraine-Russia war. When Ukraine first showed that it could resist the Russian invasion, the Western imperialists decided to give it military and other aid, short of sending in troops (which the Ukrainians did not ask for). By now there is massive arms shipments, satellite and computer information, and troop training going from the U.S. and NATO to the Ukrainians.
Many on the left denounce this as essentially a war between imperialists, being a “proxy war” for the U.S. They focus on events leading up to the war, such as the expansion of NATO up to Russia’s borders. They point out (correctly) that the U.S. is the strongest imperialist power on earth, in its wealth and its military power (even if in decline). Given the record of the U.S. (such as in Vietnam, not to speak of Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Central America, Haiti, Cuba, Africa, and so on), the Western imperialists are not acting out of concern for democracy, freedom, and the rights of oppressed nations. They act on their interest in keeping the U.S. dominant in the world, beating back the Russians and making points to the Chinese rulers. Therefore many conclude that leftists should support any power that challenges the U.S., even if it is a rival imperialism or an oppressive dictatorship (this is “campism”).
While it is important to look at the inter-imperialist “background” of the war, it is also important to focus on the immediate “foreground.” This is the Russian imperialist invasion of a neighboring country (a capitalist but non-imperialist poor nation). Russia is not fighting a proxy war but is engaging in direct aggression. Nor are the Ukrainians fighting a proxy war. It is they who are spilling their blood, fighting directly against the invaders of their country. Whatever the U.S. is paying in armaments, the Ukrainians are paying with their lives. Whatever the motives of the U.S. and its NATO allies, and even whatever is the motivation of the Ukrainian state, the people have their own interest in driving out the occupiers and mass murderers. That they take arms from the Western governments means little—they need arms and where else can they get them? The Spanish Republic bought arms from Stalinist Russia and tried to get arms from France and the U.S. While libertarian radicals opposed the North Vietnamese state for its Stalinist authoritarianism, no one condemned it for taking arms from Russia.
This analysis would change under different circumstances. This would become mainly a war between imperialist sides if, for example, the U.S. were to send its army into Ukraine to fight the Russians, or if missiles were exchanged, back and forth, between Russia and the NATO countries. Then both sides should be opposed because the main issue would be the warfare between imperialist powers. But this has not happened.
It is not unknown, in a world divided by competing imperialisms, that one empire would give aid to the rebelling colonies of another. In World War II, the Nazis gave support to Arabs against their Western colonizers, and the Japanese posed as champions of Asians and Africans against British and French imperialists—while the U.S. and the Allies became all for the self-determination of occupied European and other countries (but not Ireland)..
In the Cold War, the Soviet Union gave support, even money, to national opponents of Western imperialism. This was not only to Communist movements and regimes such as in Vietnam or Cuba, but also to non-Communist nationalists in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Meanwhile the U.S. gave at least verbal support to the “captive nations” in Eastern Europe, against their Russian masters. So it is hardly surprising that the U.S. should give support to Ukraine as a way to kick Russia in the teeth, or to Taiwan to push back at the Chinese state. This says nothing about whether to support the self-determination of the Ukrainians or Taiwanese. The question is what do they want.
It may be objected that the Ukraine-Russia war is very different from either of my two examples. The position of anarchists in Ukraine, and their supporters around the world, is very different from that of the Spanish anarchists of the ‘thirties, or of anti-imperialist militants in the movement against the war in Vietnam. All of which is true.
But some important lessons may be learned by revolutionary anarchists. One is not to participate in capitalist states, parties, or administrations, or support such forces (including states and parties which claim to be “socialist” or “communist” but are really state-capitalist). Instead, we struggle for a non-state radically-democratic federation of workers’ and popular councils and assemblies.
So long as the people cannot overthrow the state and capitalism, anarchists should participate in the military struggle against fascists or imperialist invaders. Joining the military effort, production in workplaces, and civil mobilization, anarchists simultaneously engage in a political struggle against the dominant regime. It is not necessary to give “critical support”, “political support”, or any other kind of support to governments to be in solidarity with the people of a country fighting for independence, democratic self-determination, and (relative) national freedom.
Imperialist support for a rebelling people does not settle the nature of the conflict. There was British and French influence on the Loyalist side of the Spanish civil war and a degree of Russian support, but that did not determine the nature of the conflict. Russia and China gave aid to the Vietnamese forces, but that did not override the nature of the war as one for self-determination. Nor does U.S. aid to Ukraine deny that the war is essentially and mainly a war of defense and self-determination for the Ukrainian people.
These are some of the lessons we can all learn from studying past revolutions and wars.
Balius, Jaime (Ed.) (1978/1938). Towards a Fresh Revolution; The Friends of Durruti Group; Barcelona 1938. Sanda, Orkney UK: Cienfuegos Press.
Dolgoff, Sam (Ed.) (1974). The Anarchist Collectives; Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution 1936—1939. NY: Free Life Editions.
Evans, Danny (2020). Revolution and the State; Anarchism in the Spanish Civil War 1936—1939. Chico CA: AK Press.
Guillamon, Agustin (1996). The Friends of Durruti Group: 1937—1939. (Paul Sharkey, Trans.) San Francisco CA: AK Press.
Morrow, Felix (1974). Revolution and Counterrevolution in Spain. NY: Pathfinder.
Neale, Jonathan (2003). A People’s History of the Vietnam War. NY: The New Press.
Trotsky, Leon (1973), The Spanish Revolution (1931—39). ( N. Allen & G. Breitman, Eds.) NY: Pathfinder Press.
Van, Ngo. (2010). In the Crossfire: Adventures of a Vietnamese Revolutionary. (Ken Knabb & Helene Fleury, Eds.) Oakland CA: AK Press.
*written for Black Flag: Anarchist Review (virtual journal)Tags: ukrainerussiaSpanish RevolutionVietnam WarwarAnarkismo
Original title: CASE COSPITO, THE COMMITTEE AGAINST THE 41 BIS IS BORN. AND THE DAP DISTRUSTS THE DOCTOR FROM GIVING INTERVIEWS
Among the intellectual supporters, lawyers and artists such as Zerocalcare, Elio Germano, Ascanio Celestini, Luigi Manconi. The launch document of the initiative: "Hard prison is like the death penalty". The anarchist on hunger strike for 96 days. The defense: "he should be transferred to a prison equipped with a clinical center"
A committee for Alfredo Cospito and against the 41 bis, the request to transfer him from Sassari to a prison with a clinical centre, while a formal notice arrives from the Dap, the Department of Penitentiary Administration to the doctor who visits the imprisoned anarchist and on strike of hunger for 96 days to give interviews on his health conditions to a radio "antagonist". The battle against Cospito's harsh prison continues, even with the extreme challenge on his own body. Amnesty International argues that "it is the duty of the Italian authorities to fulfill the obligations of protection and respect for the human rights of the detainee, also taking into account the harsh conditions of the 41 bis regime to which he is subjected".
Against life imprisonment and 41 bis, about sixty groups and associations, and almost 150 artists, intellectuals, university professors, researchers, lawyers, activists have created and signed up to the newborn platform "To die of punishment". A project created in the wake of the uproar created by the case of Alfredo Cospito , the anarchist on hunger strike against the harsh prison regime to which he was subjected for having kicked the CEO of Ansaldo Nucleare, Roberto Adinolfi , in 2012 , and having placed in 2006 two explosive devices outside a barracks in Cuneo without casualties . Among the signatures are that of the cartoonist Zerocalcare , of the actors Elio Germano and Ascanio Celestini , of the musical groups 99 Posse and Assalti frontalis , of former senators Luigi Manconi and Heidi Giuliani .
“Damage to body and mind”
“Since its inception – reads the document of the promoter committee of the initiative, which started in Naples – the 41bis has shown itself as an instrument of blackmail to push prisoners to collaborate with the judiciary, based on practices of actual torture. The inhumane conditions of detention envisaged by this institute take the form of solitary confinement in cells of a few square metres, limitations on hours of fresh air, continuous surveillance, limitation or elimination of interviews with family members, control of the mail, limitation of objects in the cell even such as pens, notebooks and books. A progressive annihilation that causes incalculable damage to the body and psyche of the prisoners".
“Life imprisonment as capital punishment”
Life imprisonment is defined as "similar in all respects to the death penalty". "Over the next few weeks - explain the promoting committee - we will organize dissemination, awareness and debate initiatives in the main cities of Italy, because, starting from the struggle of Alfredo Cospito, whose life is at risk in the total indifference of the government and judiciary , the debate for the abolition of the inhuman institutions of life imprisonment and 41bis opens concrete possibilities for a necessary reform”.
The distrust of the Dap
Meanwhile, the Dap has sent Cospito's lawyer, Flavio Rossi Albertini , a warning against Dr. Alessandra Milia who periodically enters prison to visit the anarchist. The next appointment has been authorized for January 26th. But, reads the note, "Dr. Milia is warned to issue statements following visits to the radio station "Onda d'Urto", in order not to frustrate the purposes of 41bis". She under penalty of "revocation of authorization to access the institute".
The broadcaster, which defines itself as an antagonist, was born in '85 from a group of people from the '77 movements and has been close to the social centres.
“I'm shocked”, replied Milia hotly. “The warning about the interviews with Radio Wave of Shock is the only request that has been delivered to me. Maybe the broadcaster doesn't like it, it's not appreciated. I - she adds - have always confined myself to expressing Alfredo Cospito's conditions since he began his hunger strike. I have never commented on the prison conditions in which he lives, only once did I speak of the confined space of the hour of fresh air. Also because the prisoner is brought to me in the nursing home, I have never seen Alfredo's cell".
“I don't understand – adds the doctor – why I can't externalize Alfredo's health conditions who lost 10 kg in a week, so we are going at breakneck speed. I don't understand why it is claimed that I would frustrate the purposes of 41 bis. I don't speak in code, I speak about health issues. Unless they think that speaking, say, of potassium, I had other purposes, to say something else". For Radio Onda d'urto "they want to put a gag on information".
Case Cospito, the Committee against the 41 bis is born. And the Dap distrusts the doctor from giving interviews
A committee for Alfredo Cospito and against the 41 bis, the request to transfer him from Sassari to a prison with a clinical centre, while a formal notice arrives from the Dap, the prison administration department, to the doctor who visits the anarchist prisoner and on strike of hunger for 96 days to give interviews on his health conditions to an “antagonist” radio. She continues the battle against the harsh prison, even with the extreme challenge on her own body, of Cospito. Amnesty International maintains that “it is the duty of the Italian authorities to fulfill the obligations of protection and respect for the human rights of the detainee, also taking into account the harsh conditions of the 41 bis regime to which he is subjected”.
Against life imprisonment and 41 bis, about sixty groups and associations, and almost 150 including artists, intellectuals, university professors, researchers, lawyers, activists have created and subscribed to the newborn platform “To die of penalty”. A project created in the wake of the clamor created by the case of Alfredo Cospito, the anarchist on hunger strike against the harsh prison regime to which he was subjected for having kicked the CEO of Ansaldo Nucleare, Roberto Adinolfi, in the legs in 2012, and having placed in 2006, two explosive devices outside a barracks in Cuneo without casualties. Signatures include cartoonist Zerocalcare, actors Elio Germano and Ascanio Celestini, musical groups 99 Posse and Assalti frontali, former senators Luigi Manconi and Heidi Giuliani.
“Damage to body and mind”
“Since its inception – reads the document of the promoter committee of the initiative, which started from Naples – the 41bis has shown itself as an instrument of blackmail to push prisoners to collaborate with the judiciary, based on practices of real torture. The inhuman conditions of detention envisaged by this institute take the form of solitary confinement in cells of a few square metres, limitations on hours of fresh air, continuous surveillance, limitation or elimination of interviews with family members, control of the mail, limitation of objects in the cell even such as pens, notebooks and books. A progressive annihilation that causes incalculable damage to the body and psyche of the prisoners”.
“Life imprisonment as capital punishment”
Life imprisonment is defined as “similar in all respects to the death penalty”. “Over the next few weeks – explain the promoting committee – we will organize dissemination, awareness and debate initiatives in the main cities of Italy, because, starting from the struggle of Alfredo Cospito, whose life is at risk in the total indifference of the government and judiciary, the debate for the abolition of the inhuman institutions of life imprisonment and 41bis opens concrete possibilities for a necessary reform”.
The distrust of the Dap
Meanwhile, the Dap has sent Cospito's lawyer, Flavio Rossi Albertini, a formal notice against doctor Alessandra Milia who periodically enters prison to visit the anarchist. The next appointment has been authorized for January 26th. But, the note reads, “Dr. Milia is warned to release statements to the radio station “Onda d'Urto” following visits, in order not to frustrate the purposes of 41bis”. Under penalty of “revocation of authorization to access the institution”.
The broadcaster, which defines itself as an antagonist, was born in '85 from a group of people from the '77 movements and has been close to the social centres.
“I'm appalled,” Milia retorted hotly. “The formal notice on the interviews with Radio Onda d'Urto is the only request that has been sent to me. Perhaps the broadcaster does not like it, it is not appreciated. I – he adds – have always limited myself to expressing Alfredo Cospito's conditions since he started his hunger strike. I have never commented on the prison conditions in which he lives, only once did I speak of the restricted space of the hour of fresh air. Also because the prisoner is brought to me in the nursing station, I have never seen a prison cell Alfred”.
“I don't understand – adds the doctor again – why I can't externalize Alfredo's health conditions who lost 10 kg in a week, so we are going at breakneck speed. I don't understand why it is argued that I would frustrate the purposes of 41a. I don't I speak in code, I speak of health issues. Unless they think that speaking, I don't know, of potassium, I had other purposes, to say something else”. For Radio Onda d'urto “they want to put a gag on information”.
A committee in favor of Alfredo Cospito and against the 41 bis, the solicitation of transfer from Sassari to a penitentiary center with a clinic center, links an oficio of the Dap, the department of penitentiary administration, to the doctor who visits the anarchist suspect and en huelga de hambre de 96 días para dar entrevistas sobre su estado de salud a una radio “antagonisto”. The battle against the hard prison continued, including with the extreme desafío sobre su propio cuerpo of him, de Cospito. Amnistía Internacional argues that “the Italian authorities must fulfill their obligations to protect and respect the human rights of the pressures, also keeping in mind the harsh conditions of the régimen 41 bis to which there are some tidos”.
Against the perpetual cadena and the 41 bis, there are groups and associations, and 150 cases between artists, intellectuals, university professors, investigators, abogados, activists have created and subscribed the recién nacida platform “To die of punishment”. A project born to the cause of the clamor aroused by the case of Alfredo Cospito, the anarquist ensued in hambre against the harsh penitentiary regime to which he was sometido by haber pateado en las piernas al director general of Ansaldo Nucleare, Roberto Adinolfi, in 2012, y habiendo colocado en 2006, dos artefactos explosivos fuera de un cuartel en Cuneo sin víctimas. The signatures include the publisher Zerocalcare, the actors Elio Germano and Ascanio Celestini, the musical groups 99 Posse and Frontal Assaults, the exsenadores Luigi Manconi and Heidi Giuliani.
“Damage to the body and mind”
“Desde sus inicios – se lee in the document of the comité promotor de la iniciativa, que partió de Nápoles – el 41bis se ha provado como un instrumento de chantaje para empujar a los presos a colaborar con el poder judicial, based in prácticas de torture real . The inhumane detention conditions foreseen by this institution are implemented in solitary confinement in cells of few square meters, limitation of hours of fresh air, continuous vigilance, limitation or elimination of interviews with relatives, control of correspondence, limitation of objects in the cell included like pens, notebooks and books. A progressive anequilamiento that causes incalculable damage to the body and the psyche of the pressures”.
“Perpetual cadena as a capital punishment”
The perpetual cadena is defined as "similar in all aspects to the death penalty". “During the next few weeks - explains the promotor committee - we will organize initiatives for dissemination, awareness and debate in the main cities of Italy, therefore, starting from the fight of Alfredo Cospito, where life runs dangerously in the total indiference of the government and the judiciary, the debate for the abolition of the inhuman institutions of the perpetual cycle and the 41bis open concrete possibilities for a necessary reform”.
The desconfianza of the Dap
Meanwhile, the Dap sent to the defendant of Cospito, Flavio Rossi Albertini, a letter of accusation against the doctor Alessandra Milia, who was periodically imprisoned to visit the anarquist. The next quote has been authorized for the 26th of January. However, says the note, "advierte Dr. Milia that he has made declarations to the radio station 'Onda d'Urto' between visits, to not frustrate the proposals of 41bis". Under penalty of "revocation of the authorization to access the institution".
The locutor, who is defined as an antagonist, was born in 1985 of a group of people from the movements of 1977 and was in search of the social centers.
“Estoy horrorizada,” Milia replied warmly. “The communication about the interviews with Radio Onda d'Urto is the only pedigree they sent me. Quizás a la locutora no le gusta, lei no se agradece. Yo -añade- I always limited myself to expressing Alfredo Cospito's opinion on the conditions from which he started on the huelga de hambre. He never commented on the prison conditions in which he lives, only once he was able to enter the restricted space at the time of fresh air. Also because the prisoner takes him to me in the nursing home, I have never seen a prison cell Alfred”.
“No entiendo -agrega el medico nuevamente- because I cannot externalize Alfredo's health conditions, who lost 10 kg in a week, we were going at a vertigo speed. No entiendo por que se argumenta que me frustraría. the ends of 41 bis. Yo no hablo en clave, hablo de temas de salud. A no ser que piensen que speaking, no se, de potasio, tenía otros fines, para decir otra cosa”. For Radio Onda d'urto “le quieren poner un gag a la información”.
Un comité pour Alfredo Cospito et contre le 41 bis, la demande de le transférer de Sassari dans une prison avec un center clinique, alors qu'une mise en demeure arrive du Dap, le service de l'administration pénitentiaire, au médecin qui visita le prisonnier anarchist and on the grave of the faim de 96 jours pour donner des interviews sur son état de santé à une radio “antagoniste”. La bataille contre la dure prison continue, même avec le défi extrême sur son propre corps di lui, de Cospito. Amnesty International affirms that “il est du devoir des autorités italiennes to fulfill the obligations of protector and to respect the human rights of prisoners, en tenant également compte des dures conditions du régime 41 bis auquel ils sont soumis”.
Contre la perpétuité et le 41 bis, une soixantaine de collectifs et associations, et près de 150 dont des artists, des intellectuels, des universitaires, des chercheurs, des avocats, des militants ont créé et souscrit à la plateforme naissante “Mourir de peine” . A project créé à la suite de la clameur créée par l'affaire Alfredo Cospito, the anarchist en grève de la faim contre le régime prison sévère auquel il a été soumis pour avoir donné un coup de pied au PDG d'Ansaldo Nucleare, Roberto Adinolfi, in les jambes in 2012, and avoir placé in 2006, two engines exploded in the extérieur of a barracks in Cuneo sans faire de victimes. The signatures include the caricaturists Zerocalcare, the actors Elio Germano and Ascanio Celestini, the musical groups 99 Posse and Assalti frontali, the ancient sénateurs Luigi Manconi and Heidi Giuliani.
“Dommages au corps et à l'esprit”
“Depuis sa création – lit le document du comité promoteur de l'initiative, parti de Naples – le 41bis s'est révélé as an instrument de chantage pour pousser les prisonniers à collaborer avec la justice, sur la base de pratiques de véritable torture. The inhuman conditions of detention envisaged by this institute prennent the form of cell isolation in the cells of those mètres carrés, limitations of the hours of air frais, continuous surveillance, limitation or suppression of entretiens with the members of the family , de contrôle du courrier, de limitation des objets dans la cell même comme des stylos, des cahiers et des livres. Un anéantissement progressif qui cause des dommages incalculables au corps et à la psyché des prisonniers ».
“La réclusion à perpétuité comme peine capital”
La réclusion à perpétuité est définie comme “semblable à tous égards à la peine de mort”. “Au cours des prochaines semaines – explique le comité de promotion – nous organiserons des initiatives de diffusion, de sensibilisation et de débat dans les principalis villes d'Italie, car, à partir de la lutte d'Alfredo Cospito, dont la vie est en danger dans l'indifférence total du gouvernement et judiciaire, le débat pour l'abolition des institutions inhumaines de la réclusion à perpétuité et 41bis ouvre des perspectives crètes pour une necessaire réforme ».
La méfiance du Dap
Entre-temps, le Dap a envoyé à l'avocat de Cospito, Flavio Rossi Albertini, une mise en demeure contre le docteur Alessandra Milia qui entre périodiquement en prison pour rendre visita à l'anarchiste. Le prochain rendezvous a été autoresé pour le 26 janvier. Mais, lit-on dans la note, “Le Dr Milia est averti de publier des déclarations à la station de radio “Onda d'Urto” à la suite de visites, afin de ne pas contrecarrer les objectifs du 41bis”. Sous peine de « retrait d'authorisation d'accès à l'établissement ».
Le diffuseur, qui se définit comme un antagoniste, est né en 85 d'un groupe de personnes issues des mouvements de 77 et a été proche des centers sociaux.
“Je suis consterné,” rétorqua vivement Milia. “La mise en demeure sur les entretiens avec Radio Onda d'Urto est la seule demande qui m'a été envoyée. Peut-être que le diffuseur ne l'aime pas, ce n'est pas apprécié. Je – ajoute-t-il – me suis toujours limité à expresse les propos d'Alfredo Cospito. conditions depuis qu'il a commencé sa grève de la faim. Je n'ai jamais commenté les conditions incarceras dans lesquelles il vit, une seule fois j'ai parlé de l'espace restreint de l'heure d'air frais. Also because the prisoner I'm happy in the infirmary, Je n'ai jamais vu une cell de prison Alfred”.
“Je ne comprends pas – ajoute encore le médecin – pourquoi je ne peux pas extérioriser les problèmes de santé d'Alfredo qui a perdu 10 kg en une semaine, alors nous allons à une vitesse vertigineuse. Je ne comprends pas pourquoi on prétend que je frustrerais les finités de l'article 41 bis. Je ne parle pas en code, je parle de problèmes de santé. A moins qu'ils pensent qu'en parlant, je ne sais pas, de potassium, j'avais d'autres finalités, pour dire autre chose ». Pour Radio Shockwave “ils veulent bâillonner l'information”.
Μια επιτροπή για τον Alfredo Cospito και κατά του 41 bis, το αίτημα μεταφοράς του από το Sassari σε μια φυλακή με κλινικό κέντρο, ενώ μια επίσημη ειδοποίηση φτάνει από το Dap, το τμήμα διοίκησης φυλακών, στον γιατρό που επισκέπτεται τον αναρχικό κρατούμενο και απεργία πείνας για 96 ημέρες για να δώσει συνεντεύξεις για την κατάσταση της υγείας του σε «ανταγωνιστικό» ρα Η μάχη ενάντια στη σκληρή φυλακή συνεχί█, ακόμα και με μην ακραία πρόκληση στο ίδιου το σώμα, του sole. Η Διεθνής Αμνηστία υποστηρίζει ότι «είναι καθήκον των ιταλικών αρχών να εκπληρώσουν τις υποχρεώσεις τους για προστασία και σεβασμό των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων των κρατουμένων, λαμβάνοντας επίσης υπόψη τις σκληρές συνθήκες του καθεστώτος 41 bis στο οποίο υπόκεινται».
Κατά της ισόβιας κάθειρξης και 41 bis, περίπου εξήντα ομάδες και ενώσεις, και σχεδόν 150, συμπεριλαμβανομένων καλλιτεχνών, διανοουμένων, καθηγητών πανεπιστημίου, ερευνητών, δικηγόρων, ακτιβιστών, δημιούργησαν και προσυπέγραψαν τη νεογέννητη πλατφόρμα «To die of penalty». Ένα έργο που δημιουργήθηκε στον απόηχο της κατακραυγής που δημιουργήθηκε από την περίπτωση του Alfredo Cospito, του αναρχικού σε απεργία πείνας εναντίον του σκληρού καθεστώτος των φυλακών στο οποίο υποβλήθηκε επειδή κλώτσησε τον διευθύνοντα σύμβουλο της Ansaldo Nucleare, Roberto Adinolfi, στα πόδια το 2012. και έχοντας τοποθετήσει το 2006 δύο εκρηκτικούς μηχανισμούς έξω από στρατώνα στο Cuneo χωρίς θύματα. Οι υπογραφές περιλαμβάνουν τον σκιτσογράφο Zerocalcare, τους ηθοποιούς Elio Germano και Ascanio Celestini, τα μουσικά σχήματα Frontal Posse σχήμα9
«Βλάβη στο σώμα και στο μυαλό»
«Από την ίδρυσή του – αναφέρει το έγγραφο της επιτροπής υποστηρικτών της πρωτοβουλίας, που ξεκίνησε από τη Νάπολη – το 41bis έχει αποδειχθεί ως όργανο εκβιασμού για να ωθήσει τους κρατούμενους να συνεργαστούν με το δικαστικό σώμα, βάσει πρακτικών πραγματικών βασανιστηρίων. Οι απάνθρωπες συνθήκες Η κράτηση που προβλέπει αυτό το ίδρυμα έχει τη μορφή απομόνωσης σε κελιά λίγων τετραγωνικών μέτρων, περιορισμούς στις ώρες καθαρού αέρα, συνεχούς επιτήρησης, περιορισμού ή εξάλειψης συνεντεύξεων με μέλη της οικογένειας, ελέγχου της αλληλογραφίας, περιορισμού αντικειμένων στο κελί ακόμη και όπως στυλό , τετράδια και βιβλία.μια προδευτική ε maliντωση που προκαλεί ανυπολόγιστη ζημιά στο σώμαι τον ψυχισμό τω=
«Η ισόβια κάθειρξη ως θανατική ποινή»
Η ισόβια κάθειρξη ορίζεται ως «παρόμοια από κάθε άποψη με τη θανατική ποινή». «Τις επόμενες εβδομάδες -εξήγησε η επιτροπή προώθησης- θα οργανώσουμε πρωτοβουλίες διάδοσης, ευαισθητοποίησης και συζήτησης στις κύριες πόλεις της Ιταλίας, επειδή, ξεκινώντας από τον αγώνα του Alfredo Cospito, του οποίου η ζωή κινδυνεύει στην απόλυτη αδιαφορία της κυβέρνησης και της δικαιοσύνης, η συζήτηση για την κατάργηση των απάνθρων θεσμών της ισόβιας κάθειρfully και του 41bis ανοίγει συγκεκριμsis δυνατότητες γ.
Η δυσπιστία του Δαπ
Εν τω μεταξύ, το Dap έστειλε στον δικηγόρο του Cospito, Flavio Rossi Albertini, μια επίσημη ειδοποίηση κατά της γιατρού Alessandra Milia που μπαίνει περιοδικά στη φυλακή για να επισκεφτεί τον αναρχικό. Το επόμενο ραντεβού έχει εξουσιοδοτηθεί για τις 26 Ιανουαρίου. Όμως, αναφέρει το σημείωμα, «η Δρ Μηλιά προειδοποιείται να δώσει δηλώσεις στον ραδιοφωνικό σταθμό «Onda d'Urto» μετά από επισκέψεις, προκειμένου να μην ματαιωθούν οι σκοποί του 41bis». Με την ποινή της «αναίρεσης άδειας πρόσβασης στο ίδρυμα».
Ο ραδιοτηλεοπτικός φορέας, που αυτοπροσδιορίζεται ως ανταγωνιστής, γεννήθηκε το '85 από μια ομάδα ανθρώπων από τα κινήματα του '77 και ήταν κοντά στα κοινωνικά κέντρα.
«Έχω τρομάξει», απάντησε η Μίλια θερμά. “Η επίσημη ειδοποίηση για τις συνεντεύξεις με το Shockwave Radio είναι το μόνο αίτημα που μου έχει σταλε. Ίσως δεν αρέσει στον ραδιοτηλεοπτικό φορέα, δεν εκτιμάται. Εγώ - προσθέτει lei - πάντα περιορορόμουν στο να εκφράσω τις απόψεις του alfredo soitito συνθήκες από τότε που ξεκίνησε την απεργία. Δεν έχω σχολιάσει ποτέ τις συνθήκες της φυλακής που ζει, μόνο μια φορά μίλησα για τον περιορισμένο χώρο της ώρας του καθαρού αέρα.Επίσης επειδή μου φέρνουν τον κρατούμενο στο γηροκομείο, Δεν έχω δει ποτέ κελί φυλακής Άλφρεντ».
“Δεν καταλαβαίνω – προσθέτει ξανά ο γιατρός – γιατί δεν μπορώ να εξωτερικεύσω τις συνθήκες υγείας του Αλφρέντο που έχασε 10 κιλά σε μια εβδομάδα, άρα πάμε με ιλιγγιώδη ταχύτητα. Δεν καταλαβαίνω γιατί he υποστηρίζεται ότι he θα απογοήτευα τους σκοπούς του 41 δις. Δεν μιλάω κωδικοποιημένα, μιλάω για θέματα υγείας. Εκτός αν νομίζουν ότι μιλώντας, δεν ξέρω, για κάλιο, είχα άλλους σκοπούς, να πω κάτιο άλλλ». Για το Radio Shock wave «θέλουν να βάλουν φίμωση στην ενημέρωση»Tags: CospitointernationalItalyFAIabolish prisons
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