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We are accepting proposals for the 2019 Eastern Conference for Workplace Democracy, which will be held in Baltimore, MD October 18-20th.
All proposals are due by Wednesday, July 31st. Proposals will be evaluated on a rolling basis, so get your proposal in early! Final programming decisions will be made by mid August. Our staff are happy to discuss your session proposal ideas - email email@example.com to get in touch.
The ECWD, founded in 2002, is a conference that builds awareness of worker-owned businesses while strengthening existing worker co-ops. For 17 years, the ECWD has forged relationships between democratically-owned businesses, labor institutions, and cooperative resource organizations to expand workplace democracy. The ECWD has been convened every two years in the Eastern United States, and was last hosted by Baltimore in 2011. This will be the first year that the program is organized directly by the US Federation of Worker Co-ops, this country's national grassroots membership organization for worker-owned cooperatives.
Please complete this survey in its entirety as it cannot be accessed or modified once submitted. We look forward to hearing from you and seeing you at the conference!
¡Estamos aceptando propuestas para la Conferencia del Este para la Democracia en el Trabajo (ECWD por sus siglas en inglés), el 18 al 20 de octubre de 2019 en Baltimore, Maryland!
Las propuestas de talleres se deben recibir a más tardar el miércoles 31 de julio. ¡Propuestas serán evaluadas continuamente, asi que mande su propuesta pronto! La toma de decisiones sobre el programa será resuelta a mediados de agosto. Nuestro personal está disponible para hablar sobre sus ideas para una propuesta de sesión - envíe correo electrónico a firstname.lastname@example.org para estar en contacto.
El ECWD, fundado en 2002, es una conferencia que busca concientizar al mundo sobre las cooperativas de trabajadores mientras que fortalezca las cooperativas de trabajadores existentes. Durante 17 años, el ECWD ha forjado relaciones entres negocios de propiedad democrática, instituciones de labor/sindicales, y organizaciones de apoyo para las cooperativas para crecer la democracia en el trabajo. El ECWD se presenta cada dos años en el este de los Estados Unidos, y la última vez que se presentó en Baltimore fue en 2011. Este año será la primera vez que el programa lo organiza directamente la Federación de Cooperativas de Trabajadores de EE.UU., la organización de membresía a nivel nacional para las cooperativas de trabajadores.
Por favor, complete este formulario de propuesta en su totalidad, ya que no se puede acceder o modificar después de ser enviado. ¡Esperamos con interés sus respuestas y el verle en el encuentro!
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From Anarchy Bang
This week we will be discussing terrorism. Terrorism is the threat or use of violence in the pursuit of political goals. Obviously states use terrorism all the time to control and put fear in their constituent populations. The border situation terrifies both the people crossing the border and anyone living within range of ICE policing, border "asylum" camps, or the militarized border itself. This week we'll be discussing anarchist views of terror, Adam Curtis' Power of Nightmares that links 19th century and 20th century views on terror. We'll discuss how the 21st century continues in this vein and how anarchists should confound politics of terror but end up being a kind of booster for statist terror itself.
Join in the conversation!
Sunday at noon (PST or -7 UTC) at https://anarchybang.com/ Email questions ahead if you like The real time IRC is a chaotic mess (and pleasure). There are better ways to connect to IRC but it involves some reading The call in number is (646) 787-8464Tags: terrorterrorismrentfoodICEimmigration
The post Pittsburgh, PA: Noise Demonstrations Fight Corporation Behind Mountain Valley Pipeline appeared first on It's Going Down.The following action report details noise demonstrations outside the home of a former CEO connected to the building of the Mountain Valley Pipeline (MVP) and at a shareholder meeting.
In the early morning hours of July 10th, a protest was held outside the home of the now former EQT Corporation CEO Robert McNally in the town of Wexford, PA. EQT Corporation is the largest fracking company in the United States and is responsible for the construction of the Mountain Valley Pipeline that communities in the Mid-Atlantic region have been resisting since it was announced.
At the action, McNally hid in his two million dollar home while the protesters banged on drums, blared cars horns, and shouted chants and obscenities at him. Police didn’t arrive until a half hour later to tell the protestors they were being “too loud for this hour of the night.”
About 8 officers arrived on the scene and also attracted the attention of a local news team that covered the protest. No arrests were made although the protesters did have fun taunting the police who were basically powerless to do anything since no real criminal activity had taken place (at least not by the protestors).
Later in the morning a second noise demo was held along with a banner drop in downtown Pittsburgh to protest the annual shareholder meeting of EQT. Members of EQT’s board and other shareholders were forced to go around the demo while protestors chanted “1-2-3, Fuck EQT” as they banged on buckets and scrap metal to make as much of a disturbance as possible. After the meeting it was announced that McNally would be removed as CEO due to a successful proxy fight by shareholders who wanted to gain control of the company. Rest assured we will be at their homes soon enough
Report from: Unity Division, a Pittsburgh-based anarchist collective dedicated to street theater and direct action to promote systemic change.
The post “We Can Fight”: Interview with an Organizer of the JHU Sit-In appeared first on It's Going Down.The Radical Education Department interviews students involved in the occupation against ICE contracts at John Hopkins University.
Campus struggles in the US have surged recently: at Johns Hopkins, at Yale, at Evergreen State, at the University of Pennsylvania, and well beyond.
The summer holiday is approaching. Summer is a chance to take stock—to evaluate and prepare to kick off the next round of struggles in the fall.
This is Part 2 of the Campus Power Project: an ongoing series of interviews, articles, and podcasts. (For Part 1 of the Campus Power Project, click here.)
The CPP aims to help take stock of our campus struggles for radical, bottom-up, antiauthoritarian power on and across college campuses, so that we can make those struggles more powerful in the coming years. The focus is on concrete organizing lessons we can learn from comrades in revolt.
The media series is only one half of the Campus Power Project. The other half aims to help build up—across Philadelphia and beyond—lines of communication and coordination among radical campus struggles.
If you are working with leftist campus organizations and want to get involved, please reach out to us!
The sit-in at Garland Hall at Johns Hopkins University began April 3rd. It was part of the struggle against the university forming its own private police force; against university contracts with ICE; and for justice for Tyrone West and other victims of police murder.
The university’s response was savage. Early morning May 8th, it called in 100 heavily-armed members of a militarized police force to attack 6 occupiers. The JHU Sit-In called this “a haunting premonition of what a private police force would look like on this campus: context and nuance lost, replaced with reckless lust for physical control and weaponized fear.” The struggle continues beyond the occupation,
On day 20 of the sit-in, Jason Koslowski of RED interviewed Dre, a graduate student and one of the organizers of the JHU Sit-in with Students Against Private Police. Dre offered their perspective on some of the organizing so far.
The questions were developed collaboratively in the RED collective.
To support the struggle at JHU, see the following links from the JHU Sit-In Facebook page:
- For alumni: a pledge to withhold donations: https://forms.gle/F6hgWPwHFdccF6g67
- For academics: a statement of solidarity with the protesters:
To get connected and to learn more, search for these groups on Facebook:
- JHU Sit In (@theGarlandSitIn)
- Justice for Tyrone West (@justicefortyronewest)
- Students Against Private Police (@NoPrivatePoliceJHU)
- Hopkins Coalition Against ICE (@ICEoutJHU)
Can you give a little background on the struggle? When did it start, what’s been going on?
Our organizing really started a little over a year ago, when students found out that the university had already submitted legislation to the state to authorize campuses across the city to have their own police forces, armed, with arrest powers. It was just our university, Johns Hopkins, spearheading it. But the way it was written, it was clear that every other private academic institution would be able to have that right as well. That day—from what I hear, I was out of town—a meeting was called right away once everyone heard about it. They started organizing, mostly reacting, trying to contact administration. At that point we mostly just had to take our best shot with legislators. And we were really fortunate that it was a “late file” bill. And they had extreme, extreme pushback from all over the place. We as students were among the most able to go down and testify in Annapolis. But they submitted it without having any community meetings.
In any case, they submitted legislation and then proceeded to have a couple of community meetings after everyone got really upset about it. Students began to testify and they kind of dragged it out until the last day of “crossover filing,” it was called, and they pulled the bill. So everyone was kind of taking it as a victory, but we knew they’d be back.
So in-between sessions, the organizing was just us students more or less, talking to our fellow students. I think that was a real error.
I stepped back from the organizing structure over the summer just because one huge thing we didn’t do—we started this in a rush—we didn’t really have a decision making structure, we didn’t have community guidelines. And there was a bit of a mess already forming, to be honest. But in any case a couple of political science majors were able to take it on, because it’s kind of part of their discipline.
Long story short, we were able to make it through the summer, and the university had a huge number of public meetings that they called, where they were supposed to discuss the issue. Those were pretty fake. They didn’t listen. They just lobbied for what they wanted, which was for the police force.
We were pretty much stuck in the same cycle. They had the legislature really well taken-care-of. They had at least eight lobbyists. They were down there every day of the session pushing the bill through. And we all witnessed just how much power they really had to get what they really want. Here we are now. A lot of people say it’s over just because the legislation went through. But there’s a lot of us still here now, and we can fight.
Can you briefly state what the demands are?
The demands of the sit-in specifically were a combination of our demands of ending the private police force initiative, and equitably investing in community-driven alternatives for poverty and violence. We combined with a group called Hopkins Coalition Against ICE, who are looking for the university to end the contracts that a couple of professors have training ICE officials. And then we have individuals who have participated in West Wednesday, and, combined with their regular events, demanding justice for Tyrone West and other victims of police brutality. They’re on their 6th year. They’re coming up [on May 1st] on their 300th rally that they’ve had every week.
You mentioned the importance of reaching out beyond students, and getting connected to community struggles beyond the college. Can you say more about why it’s important not to be insulated on the campus, but be connected to struggles in surrounding communities (like West Wednesdays)?
My whole mentality has been community-driven public health. You need to get behind the community, what everyone wants, and push that way. You have to meet everyone’s needs, it’s not just about getting your own needs met. With students specifically I think that’s a harder thing to explain, because a lot of folks may never have been out in the community, and they may know it’s important but now that this is happening, it’s like, who has a strong network in the community that can be built off of?
We were meeting as students, and it was coming up that we need to start reaching out to community orgs, let them know what’s going on, build up some support, and this and that. And I was just trying to make sure people are cautious about asking too much from them, instead of a more mutual relationship. It’s not like we’re going to go to the community and be like, “Give me testimonies, and do this and do that.” it should also be understanding what their needs are as an organization, and building up a stronger network. That’s what I was pushing.
Because there are so many people that have this view of students as being really privileged and coming here for a few years and then leaving. You have to be really sensitive. I feel like the sensitivity was kind of a tough thing. Well, I really worried about [bringing] a bunch of students into a community meeting that derails the whole situation.
I think things really took off when my good friend Bilal, who is a mediator from Baltimore City who has experience working on the consent decree with NYPD in New York City. He lives on the other side of the city from me and I met him at the first Students Against Private Police community meeting, held sometime in like February, which is pretty late, you know, given that we’ve known about this a whole year. That’s how I see it. For what it’s worth it was hard getting more input, but thankfully a lot of folks in the neighborhood were already well-aware of what was going on. It’s a lesson of organizing in a bubble. We probably could’ve done a lot more if we had done a better job of pulling people in. A lot of the faculty were even saying they wish they could have done more sooner, and we were more organized sooner. And they’re right. But here we are now.
I see that the sit-in’s demands actually bridge the fight against cops and cop violence on-campus and off-campus. It seems like this was a conscious thing, to connect what students were doing to what surrounding community folks were doing already in West Wednesdays and the struggle for justice for Tyrone West. Can you say a word about using demands as a way of connecting groups?
ICE agents and cops are the same thing to me. I always find it interesting that some people were really comfortable yelling, “Abolish the police!” But they wouldn’t say, “Abolish ICE!” I was really ready to freak out, to be honest. Because people would go and say the demands and they would just say the two, they would forget to say “Justice for Tyrone West.” That’s not going to work anymore. If we didn’t have community guidelines it would be hard to get people all together under those same demands.
And then I went to a community meeting with my friend Bilal, and his neighborhood in the east side. And he had brought Towanda there, Towanda Jones [along with Aunt Diane, a key person in the fight for justice for Tyrone West], and a bunch of West Wednesday people. So that’s where I first met them. And they voiced that they were against the police initiative. So we already knew they were supportive. And it all just aligned really well. They talked about killer cops and I was talking about what was happening at JHU.
Can I ask about the escalation to a sit-in? Why that tactic—which can have a lot of power but which comes with difficulties too?
We were just reacting a lot to what we needed to do. It was just proposed that we should give it a shot. It wasn’t really well set-up, to be honest. The ICE coalition had been doing a lot of tour disruptions on campus, trying to affect the bottom line—how the university gets money and recruits people.
The idea was to actually do a sit-in for a day, and then break out in the morning and disrupt a big student event. That was the consensus on the ICE coalition side. But I know a lot of people that I was speaking with were like, “There’s no point in ending a sit-in just for a day!” Especially when we saw how many people we could get. We went in on a Wednesday, and we had this huge rally, and a march with West Wednesday. Just seeing all the people who came out, we were going to have to keep staying. We did go and disrupt that event. But we still held the sit-in. We’re just taking that sit-in day by day. But we’re planning weeks at a time in the future, so—looks pretty good.
Earlier, you pointed out all the resources the university has. It can plan for the long term. How do you organize with that long-term struggle in mind? I can imagine it might be tough because of undergrads graduating, or graduate students leaving.
We’ve been pulling students from other campuses too, pretty easily—getting involved because of all the attention it has. So as far as retention, I think that’s been the most helpful; that we’ve been able to [grab] people’s attention. The biggest thing is having attention, because then we’re able to leverage that to get more people in. We have a number of campuses, like med students.
I’d say the undergrads are the hardest ones to hold because they leave over the summer generally, and tend to get busiest the most because they have the most classes. The med students too. Having a core of those PhD students, those grad students, that spend a lot of time writing—they can work in a lot of places, they’re just doing research. I would say that’s a pretty important core to have.
And I would think being in some really serious solidarity with community struggles would be important for that continuity as well—with folks who aren’t students, and live in the area, and are part of struggles against the university or connected to the university.
Exactly. We’re actually linking up with the nurses in the hospital, who are trying to unionize. They’ve been a really, really important connection. There are others who are unaffiliated with the institution. I think that’s probably the biggest group that it’s the most important to engage, and also just inform on what’s going on. But how to keep that a lasting partnership is really, really tough. Because it tends to just be individual connections and the students fluctuate a lot.
Can you say a little more about the connection to the unionizing nurses?
The nurses were mostly pulled in from the private police initiative, though I imagine they are connected to the other folks as well. They showed up at one of our first or second community meetings, and they just said, “We support you, a lot of us support you. We’re nurses, we understand a lot about what’s going on in the city and even if we do have security concerns”— because they do have a really tough job, you know? They have a lot of stuff going on in the hospitals. But they’re saying, “We don’t want this armed force to be getting in the way of us doing our job, intimidating people that need care.”
Before I started recording, you mentioned a Skype call with the Goldsmiths sit-in in England. And there have been lots of statements of solidarity from different university struggles. Why do connections across campus struggles matter?
I was talking to those Goldsmiths folks yesterday. When we first called them, they were on I think day 29 of their sit-in. It might’ve been day—I don’t know, somewhere in the single digits for us. And we were just like, “Wow, they’re really in there, they really don’t plan on leaving.” That really inspired us to keep pushing. Because we saw all that they were gaining just from occupying the space, and using it as a platform. So that was really important.
Also, a lot of things just aligned for us, where our second rally was on a national day of action of something called #FreedomCampus. A whole bunch of universities participated in direct actions against the prison-industrial complex, and trying to get universities to invest in community-driven alternatives. And now we have that network. Recently two people were shot at Yale by campus police. We’re trying to plan a coordinated rally with them. I can feel our power building. And that’s one of the most important parts of being connected—you have more strength.
How could those connections, that solidarity, or that coordination be deepened, for struggles to become more connected? Are there ways to do that?
I think there are a lot of ways we haven’t even tapped into. We’re now finally in the space where we’re scheduling like a week ahead. And from there, if we can really start thinking longer term, I think there are possibilities for connecting with people that aren’t in our immediate community. Specifically, I’m thinking of things like community care events. We thought it would be really cool to do that with the Goldsmiths sit-in, something fun to boost morale. There’s a really good angle for mentorship, and friendships. Everything can really start there.
What can folks do to support you all, if we’re far away? Signal boosting for sure. But other things as well—multiplying struggles, solidarity acts, direct actions? What would be most helpful?
We’re coordinating with Yale now to try to do a coordinated direct action next Wednesday [May 1]. I know there might not be time to mobilize, of course. But in the future, those coordinated direct actions.
And it would be really helpful to build a platform together. To show it isn’t just us that’s fighting.
What do you think is the importance of the JHU struggle in the bigger picture of the struggles by education workers?
We talked about how abusive this institution has been since it was created. There’s this book called The Ghosts of Johns Hopkins, where it talks about doctors robbing graves and also all sorts of stuff. I know some friends who are social workers and they talk about the way their clients complain about how they’re treated getting care at Hopkins because they are low income. I think that, because we have a lot of attention for this this specific fight, it’s important to make sure people understand: everyone says, “Hopkins is so powerful!” and we’re saying, “Yeah, we know, that’s the point!” This is an abusive system. People talk about comparing it to abusive relationships, the relationship that all these institutions have to the city.
What are one or two things you’ve learned from this struggle that you think are important for other university struggles to know about?
I can think of a couple. If you’re interested in fighting against, or if you have no choice but fighting back against, police abuses, get behind those victims and their families, Not just organizing in a bubble because you know it’s the right thing to do. It’s been tough to organize in a space as a Black person, where people are content with keeping it based on their needs, and what they know is right. Like I said, we’ve been doing this for a whole entire year, and we just now started connecting with those [struggles beyond the campus]. I think that’s number one.
The second one would be: for sustaining a community and a network, it might not be important to everyone to have community guidelines, but like I said, that’s pretty huge. Because a lot of tensions can be built, a lot of misunderstandings and -communications and how those are handled, it has to be done really sensitively. I know a lot of folks just get together and start moving on stuff. That’s how this happened. Any way that people can jump in and just make sure that these young people like myself are taking care of each other and making sure that they hold each other accountable, that’s huge.
Some people to be real don’t even know how to apologize. It’s just something that they’ve never had to fully do in a genuine way. And that’s been causing problems. Can you admit that you made a mistake and apologize? Especially for a lot of white people in this space. And people just make mistakes; I make mistakes all the time. But women and other folks are trained to be really apologetic for who they are and any mistakes. So it’s dynamics that we can call out and work towards. But having community guidelines and setting that straight I think is really, really important.
It’s not about anybody being a savior for communities. A lot of times, they have more knowledge on the power structures than we do as students.
This nitty gritty stuff in terms of how will we communicate with each other, and how power structures within an organizing space are dealt with and broken down—I get the sense they can make or break a movement.
Oh yeah. Without a doubt.
What else should we have talked about? What did I miss?
One thing is, it’s not just about democracy—every person having an individual vote, and that influencing the direction of the group. Sometimes you have to give younger people, people who are more vulnerable to whatever you’re fighting, a larger say in the way the movement’s being driven. That’s back to not only community guidelines, but decision-making structure and process. We’re still working that out now. I’m a PhD student, I’m pretty established, I’m going to live here. A lot of these young people maybe won’t live here for a long time, but it’s important that we’re establishing a structure for these young students to come in and get involved in a way where they can actually take some initiative. Whose voices are you amplifying? It’s just really important.
Putting younger folks’, and the more marginalized folks’, voices ahead. But finding a way to hear what communities’ needs are. And then start proposing and considering what should be done.
A lot of times people will jump to, “Oh, well, this is what I think.” Especially as academics, you’re trained to just to raise your hand, speak your mind. But just take a minute to ask someone else what they think. Get the information before you start setting anything up. I’m in research, so that’s a big thing. People will start designing all sorts of environmental experiments and then just go and try and find a community to drop it on. It’s not the way it works.
So that academic training has to be like unlearned, if we’re going to be in a healthy and powerful struggle.
Oh without a doubt. Especially the individualism. We’re taught individual success and failure. We’re trying to build a collective. You got to break down that ego.
The post As Democracy Fails & 2020 Looms, GOP Turns to the Far-Right appeared first on It's Going Down.
“What if Trump won’t accept 2020 defeat?”
That’s the headline of a Politico article published this month; its a question which has been raised repeatedly, both by the president’s opponents and, more threateningly, by his allies. The article goes on to catalogue the evidence of this suspicion: in 2016, the president demurred when asked if he would accept a campaign loss, while he simultaneously began churning out propaganda about voter fraud to preemptively delegitimize the election result. Jerry Falwell Jr. is among the reactionary voices suggesting that the president’s term should be extended, as retribution for a treasonous plot to illegally unseat him.
Trump himself “joked” about enjoying a quadruple term like FDR, and he recently retweeted a meme showing his campaigns extending into successive decades. He mused about eliminating term limits altogether, as the Chinese government has. The article lists Republicans who brush off the issue as mere histrionics from political enemies, and Democrat lawmakers who express concern, but also assert their trust in police and judges to assure a peaceful transition of power. Ultimately, the very framework of the question misses the true danger of 2020: that the modern American fascist movement will have every reason to make this their most ambitious and most violent escalation to date. Focusing on the president’s willingness to obey the rule of law misses the more pressing danger of a Republican party which is openly embracing an antidemocratic program, and within which American fascism is rapidly metastasizing out of control.
Trump inviting to White House "Social Media Summit" chairman of 'Students for Trump' Ryan Fournier, who worked closely with neo-Nazi James Allsup and made him a top official in the group. Allsup only stepped down after photos of him marching in #Charlottesville came to light. pic.twitter.com/KfeMTvtEY1
— It's Going Down (@IGD_News) July 11, 2019
The president has comfortable circumstances surrounding his 2020 run. Historically, even unpopular presidents can be handily reelected when economic growth – a flimsy term which nonetheless plays well in the news cycle – can be waved at the public. The asymmetrical nature of the American electoral system means that if certain conditions were met, Trump could secure a second term with as little as a single electoral vote, even if he lost the popular vote by millions, and lost some of the states he won in 2016. The GOP has been strengthening its minoritarian position with voter purges, ID laws, gerrymandering, and in some cases outright destruction of ballots.
Should the election result in a legal conflict, the president has a 5-4 rubber stamp Supreme Court in his pocket. The public is anxious to see if any Democrat challenger can overcome such a heavily fortified position, and the media is, predictably, organizing a feverish cycle of early horserace coverage. But with so much anticipation surrounding the election still 18 months away, almost no attention is being paid to rumblings of Trumpists themselves, who are keen to make their intentions known: they have rejected all authority, save for that of their president, and they consider challenges to his supreme will tantamount to treason. Furthermore, they are willing to use any means, even paramilitarism, to defend their party.
JUST IN: In a 5-4 ruling today, the conservative-led Supreme Court said it will not strike down partisan gerrymandering in states like North Carolina, where Republicans split up a Black college to win elections pic.twitter.com/KF732qYwqS
— NowThis (@nowthisnews) June 27, 2019
At an Orlando rally, ordinary Trumpists were joined by their blackshirt counterparts, the Proud Boys, who have survived the general atrophy which claimed almost every other faction of the original alt-right. While the president spat his pronouncements to an audience of shrieking fanatics, demonizing immigrants and condemning the entire Democratic party and is supporters as “hateful socialists” who threaten the stability of the nation, outside, the Proud Boys attempted to seek out a nearby anti-Trump protest. They were unsuccessful in finding their victims, and were given only a smattering of coverage by mainstream news organizations. Though their presence was largely ignored by the press, a New York Times reporter captured them parading past bystanders, chanting “Pinochet did nothing wrong” and flashing white power hand signs, openly reasserting their commitments to both white nationalism and anti-leftist murder as a political tool.
Members of the white supremacist Proud Boys group have been stopped from reaching anti-Trump protesters in Orlando. Who are these people? pic.twitter.com/V5yp5jfPWM
— Max Howroute▫️ (@howroute) June 20, 2019
Times reporter Trip Gabriel reached out to an unnamed GOP operative who confirmed that while the party doesn’t acknowledge or openly condone the violence of fascist street gangs, they are fully aware of the Proud Boys as an allied faction: “They don’t care,” the operative explained. “Staff are to treat it like a coalition they can’t talk about.” No GOP official was willing to comment on whether they were open to the Proud Boys’ presence at future events, but the gang have clearly stated they intend to be a fixture of Trump’s 2020 campaign.
‘”They don’t care,” the operative explained. “Staff are to treat it like a coalition they can’t talk about.” No GOP official was willing to comment on whether they were open to the Proud Boys’ presence at future events…”
At this point, the violent exploits of the Proud Boys is commonly known. Founder Gavin McInnes publicly declared in 2016 that the Proud Boys’ general message to their opposition was “we will kill you.” The next year his followers would be present (and helped organize) the deadly white nationalist attack on Charlottesville. Brien James, a neo-nazi member of the Vinlanders – connected to at least nine murders nationwide – served as the Indiana chapter representative. Member Reggie Axtell publicly threatened Mayor Ted Wheeler of Portland, where the gang and its associates have been filmed brutalizing protesters and bystanders alike in vicious attacks. In New York, after commemorating the on-air assassination of a Japanese socialist politician among members of the Metropolitan Republican Club, Proud Boy members attempted to stomp a protester to death and assaulted others, all under the watchful eye of the local police.
Unlike most fascist groups, the Boys have been successful in maintaining this level of aggression while also securing legitimacy on the political stage, as evidenced by their close relationship with GOP notables, most famously Roger Stone, for whom they provided “security” in 2018. But the Proud Boys also serve as an intermediary between the “face” of the Trumpist bloc and its less-welcome militant supporters; the Proud Boys have rubbed elbows with the Three-Percenter and Oathkeeper militias, as well as Identity Evropa (now called the American Identity Movement), the white nationalist group which has successfully recruited both active military members and law enforcement officers. As their bona fides within the GOP have gradually solidified, the Proud Boys’ propensity for violence has matured, and now they are fully emboldened to act as a militant wing of the Republican Party itself. This begs the question of what these fascist street gangs will feel entitled to do during election season, considering their open admiration for the state-sponsored murder of leftists.
Proud Boys and white power signs in Orlando. pic.twitter.com/t0ELnjtkTB
— Philip Crowther (@PhilipinDC) June 18, 2019
The past three years have seen a massive spike in white supremacist and fascist violence; multiple mass shootings and even a serial bombing attempt should have, by now, made clear how bloodthirsty the American fascist movement has become. But behind those headline-grabbing acts of destruction are quieter, less high profile, or less successful attempts to militarize and mobilize fascists to suppress political opposition. GOP representative Matt Shea of Washington was discovered taking part in a chat group with far-right extremists, including Anthony Bosworth, who participated in the Malheur national wildlife refuge occupation in 2016. They proposed intimidating suspected leftists by targeting their homes, places of work, or the daycare centers where their children were cared for, and fantasized about torturing leftist captives. Shea also publicly encouraged his constituents to arm themselves in preparation for anti-leftist violence. Rep. Steve King, an open white nationalist still serving in the party, has broadcast his musings on a “second civil war.”
Numerous attempts have been made to either reach out privately to Republican politicians for support, a major objective of Identity Evropa, or for white nationalists to secure public office, as with James Allsup, Arthur Jones, and Patrick Little. Within this coalition of openly violent fascists can be found more organized cells, such as the aforementioned militias, and the United Constitutional Patriots, the paramilitary group which claims responsibility for the kidnapping of thousands of migrants at the border, and whose leader plainly stated to the FBI his preferred method of immigration control would be exterminating migrants with firing squads “like the Hitler days.”
This is to say nothing of the continuing wave of individual white nationalist attacks which has terrorized the public, including arsons, bombings, stabbings, beatings, and acts of intimidation. But perhaps the most audacious act of fascist repression has arisen in Oregon, where a confluence of Republican representatives, supporters, and paramilitaries managed to literally hold the state legislature hostage.
As senators in Salem prepared to vote on House Bill 2020, a bill modeled after California’s cap-and-trade fossil fuel legislation, 11 Republican senators fled the state and crossed the Idaho border in secret. When governor Kate Brown announced her readiness to use state police to retrieve the senators, all hell broke loose. Writing for Rolling Stone, Tim Dickinson dissected the dumfounding incident:
“Massive logging trucks circled the streets around the capitol, flying American flags in their truck beds and blasting horns, as hundreds of right-wing protesters rallied in support of Oregon’s fugitive GOP senators, whose week-long walkout appears to have killed the state’s ambitious cap-and-trade climate legislation. The rally was a show of force for rural Oregonians. Hundreds of demonstrators, mostly white men, some in hard hats, some wearing camo and hunting orange, many sporting unruly beards, spilled out over the steps in front of the statehouse. The plastic tanks of an irrigation truck parked out front were spray-painted with the words “NO ON HB 2020” — referring to the climate bill. A cluster of III% militiamen gathered in black sweatshirts reading ‘When Tyranny Becomes Law, Rebellion Becomes Duty.’
In "This Week in Fascism," we map out how far-Right militias like the Oath Keepers + the III%ers are attempting to make common cause with GOP officials in #Oregon who are fleeing the state to avoid allowing legislation to be voted on. Plus doxxes + more. https://t.co/uwJqah1KRY pic.twitter.com/qDKx2XDpHE
— It's Going Down (@IGD_News) June 25, 2019
John Hanlin, sheriff for rural Douglas County in southern Oregon, took to the mic in uniform with a broadside of cultural lament: “This state was built by the timber industry and by farms, ranchers, construction and other blue collar industries,” he said. “Not on coffee businesses and marijuana dispensaries.” Inside, the cavernous senate chamber was hauntingly empty, echoing with the honking of rigs, it’s business ground to a halt for an eighth day…
Oregon Democrats won a supermajority in the 2018 midterms, so the GOP no longer has the votes to block legislation. But the state’s constitution requires a quorum to conduct business. In the 30-seat state senate that means that if more than 10 of the state’s 30 senators don’t show up for work, nothing moves. Eleven GOP senators have fled the state. ‘We cannot conduct business unless we have a quorum,’ Oregon’s Senate Majority Leader Ginny Burdick tells Rolling Stone. The GOP walkouts, she says, ‘are exploiting that, in violation of their oath of office…’
Before leaving Salem, one GOP state senator, Brian Boquist, responded with incendiary rhetoric. On the floor of the chamber, he first threatened the state senate president, Peter Courtney, saying: ‘If you send the State Police to get me, Hell’s coming to visit you personally.’He later menaced state troopers themselves: “Send bachelors and come heavily armed,” he said on camera. ‘I’m not going to be a political prisoner in the state of Oregon…’
As Republicans scurried from the state, right-wing militia groups threw fuel on the fire, drawing national media coverage. One anti-government III% militia leader vowed on Facebook to provide security and transportation for the Republicans on the run. Militias in Idaho, where several were heading, also offered aid and comfort.”
The right wing using all means at their disposal, including the implied threat of violence and unrest to impose a minority view on a majority coalition is basically American politics right now in a nutshell.
— Chris Hayes (@chrislhayes) June 25, 2019
The Oregon GOP, unable to secure the consent of the public, has instead simply made the act of governance impossible without their personal say-so. This act of antidemocratic extremism represents the pinnacle of American fascist achievement, perhaps even moreso than the construction of concentration camps on the southern border. Republicans have tacitly cooperated with their paramilitary supporters, in defiance of even the state police, in service to the greater party doctrine and their president, to thwart the will of a public majority using the undisguised threat of violence. That this gambit was successful in killing HB 2020, and that it has gone unpunished, is a graver omen than most people realize.
The fascist program hinges upon the ability of a radicalized party to bully, intimidate, and pummel citizens into submission. Under the Nazi regime, this was done as much through police crackdowns on leftists, as by the brownshirts conducting their own purges of dissenters by brutalizing strangers who refused to perform the Roman salute on command. In this way, fascists – who did not enjoy majority support in either Germany or Italy – secure their power not by winning popular allegiance, but by making dissidence too costly, and thereby forcibly extracting obedience from a cowed population. And now that the rank-and-file Republican knows they are capable of overturning the democratic process through sheer obstinance and brutality, what is to stop them from capitalizing on that strategy?
“This act of antidemocratic extremism represents the pinnacle of American fascist achievement, perhaps even moreso than the construction of concentration camps on the southern border.”
Consider how this atmosphere of violence, the rapacity of fascist gangs, and the tacit or active approval of GOP representatives might crescendo during the 2020 election. In 2016, the same year he started the rumor of “millions” of votes illegally cast against him by undocumented residents at the direction of Democrat opponents, the president was encouraging his supporters to monitor polling stations in “certain areas,” because, as he coyly put it, “you know what I’m talking about.” In 2018, he attempted to pass legislation which would have allowed him to dispatch Secret Service agents to investigate polling places. Militia members could easily take it upon themselves to apply for poll monitoring positions or, failing that, simply deputize themselves and show up with hardware in hand. The president will almost certainly throw fuel on that fire by once again broadcasting propaganda about voter fraud, only this time, Tucker Carlson’s white nationalist television program might be holding a bullhorn to the president’s lips.
The Oregon GOP is, effectively, a terrorist organization. https://t.co/TI9EDZVkaJ
— A.R. Moxon (Julius Goat) (@JuliusGoat) June 26, 2019
The fact that the Republicans of Oregon found themselves at odds with the police might seem to lend credence to the belief that if the president refused to obey a peaceful transition of power, law enforcement would act on behalf of the republic and remove him. The reality, of course, is that swaths of the police have been thoroughly radicalized themselves, and the Oregon incident is merely an eventual outcome of fascist mobilization; it is loyalty to the party, not to state machinery, that determines who fascists will consider an ally. American police are completely compromised by fascist influence. While the split between Republican and Democratic voters among the police is larger than one might expect, Trump secured the endorsement of the Fraternal Order of Police, which has a membership of 300,000 and is itself a ferocious reactionary organization. The more obvious measure of police support for the American fascist movement is how frequently law enforcement have assisted fascist vigilantes with their operations.
It was in 2016 that Sacramento police responded to the stabbing of 10 antifascists by first denying that the Golden State Skinheads were responsible for the violence, then by letting the neo-Nazi attackers off with light charges, and finally cooperating with them to track down and charge counterprotesters of various crimes, including one of the stabbing victims, himself a journalist covering the event.
In April of 2017 at the first Berkeley riot, police pursued a “hands off” approach to the violence of the day, but only after taking away the shields of antifascist protesters and leaving the reactionary invaders fully armed – Richard Black, an organizer of the event, claimed he had coordinated this approach with local police, and that officers agreed to enforce a non-existent permit to allow the alt-right rally to occur in the first place. Police have repeatedly, unnecessarily, released the information of antifascist and anti-racist protesters after their arrests, knowing this makes them vulnerable to vigilante reprisals. During the aforementioned Proud Boy attack in New York, local police refused to intervene as gang members stomped repeatedly on a protester’s head. Oregon has been a particularly egregious site of police collaboration with fascists: Portland police Lt. Jeff Niiya was caught texting with Patriot Prayer organizer Joey Gibson, instructing him both on how to avoid being arrested on warrant during a rally, and updating him on the location of counterprotesters.
In one 2017 Portland rally a police officer cooperated with an Oathkeeper milita member to conduct the arrest of a protester. The next year, at another rally, after directing local fascists on how to avoid being checked for weapons, police opened fire preemptively on antifascist demonstrators. Not only did they nearly kill one protester, whose bike helmet saved them from having their skull crushed by a flashbang grenade, but afterward, police falsely claimed they were attacked first and were forced to defend themselves with non-lethal rounds. Footage provided by Unicorn Riot reporters proved this to be a lie, and photographs captured the police responsible for the flashbang injury laughing after the shells hit. This past month, in Denver, an antifascist activist was attacked while taking down Patriot Front stickers; they were gutted so badly they were forced to hold their own intestines while waiting for an ambulance. Police declined to press charges.
49 year-old registered Republican will face no charges in brutal stabbing of a #Denver resident who they attacked for taking down stickers of neo-Nazi group. "Some people deserve to be in concentration camps," he said before stabbing them multiple times. https://t.co/lBjLr7QjTg pic.twitter.com/VWdX27Yukk
— It's Going Down (@IGD_News) May 23, 2019
This is to say nothing of the presence of active white nationalist members within both the police and military of America. In a study by the Plain View Project, which attempts to shed a light on radicalization within police departments, about one in five police officers’ social media accounts included violent and/or racist rhetoric. Two Virginia officers were fired in February of this year over their connections to white nationalist groups – Robert A. Stamm of the Asatru Folk Assembley and Daniel Morley of Identity Evropa, respectively. Raymond Mott of Louisiana was fired in 2017 after photos surfaced of his connections to the Klan. Christopher Matthias of the Huffington Post announced in April that the publication had located 11 active investigations of servicepersons accused of being members of white supremacist groups. The next month, Lt. Christopher Paul Hasson of the Coast Guard was discovered to have a cache of weapons and a hit list of his political enemies, including Representatives Ocasio-Cortez and Omar, along withany and all members of the DSA.
Rural sheriffs, like those currently supporting the Oregon GOP in their defiance of the public will, are particularly conspicuous allies of the white nationalist cause: some 300 sheriffs are members of the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association (CSPOA), an outgrowth of the reactionary Posse Comitatus movement, which itself has served since the ’60s as a vehicle for white nationalism thinly disguised as a movement of “patriots.” In 2013, in St. Charles, Missouri, the CSPOA held a national convention; in attendance was Stewart Rhodes, founder of the Oathkeepers, and Representative Matt Shea of Washington. Then-AG Jeff Sessions, when speaking before the National Sheriff’s Association in 2018, declared “The office of sheriff is a critical part of the Anglo-American heritage of law enforcement.”
7. That's why the situation in Oregon is freaking me out. I thought we had at least a little time left in which the mechanisms of democracy could still work. But the fossil-funded white minority is openly, nakedly rejecting democracy & it looks like they'll get away with it.
— David Roberts (@drvox) June 25, 2019
The grim truth is this: the Trump regime has bred a fully-formed American fascist party, which is now fundamentally at odds not just with its cultural opponents, but with democracy itself. The GOP has, through means both direct and indirect, aligned itself with a movement of fascist vigilantes, law enforcement collaborators, and corrupt officials all committed to the hazily-outlined establishment of a white authoritarian ethnostate.
In support of this mission, the Republican party has engaged in rampant sabotage of the democratic system: fundamentally reshaping the judiciary, shifting the ideological center of the Supreme Court rightward through dubious appointments, and engaging in a sustained campaign of voter suppression including the tampering of ballots, the stripping of powers for incoming Democratic legislatures, and recently, gaining a favorable ruling from the Supreme Court which allows gerrymandering to take place of the explicit purpose of favoring one party. This, of course, effectively allows for racially-motivated redistricting. And now, in Oregon. American fascists have managed to use the threat of lethal force to unilaterally kill popular legislation proposed by a supermajority of elected representatives, underwritten by a majority of the citizenry.
“This is the groundwork for a nightmarish conclusion to 2020, whether or not Trump wins a second term. Trump himself has expressed a coy fondness for international authoritarians who can disappear journalists and overturn election results, free from the shackles of public consent.”
This is the groundwork for a nightmarish conclusion to 2020, whether or not Trump wins a second term. Trump himself has expressed a coy fondness for international authoritarians who can disappear journalists and overturn election results, free from the shackles of public consent. His followers revere those reactionary death squads who ran roughshod over a population opposed to their hateful politics, killing and brutalizing their enemies with the support of heavily-armed police. His supporters in the state are gradually entrenching their power to the point that one party is significantly more powerful than the other, despite widespread public opposition to their agenda. It is imperative that liberationists of all stripes recognize the situation we are in: while lawless thugs terrorize political prisoners in concentration camps at the border, the government is teetering on the precipice of a chain-reaction breakdown.
The major threat of fascism comes from its appeasement. Each time fascist elements are capitulated to in good faith, each time they swear their latest transgression or violent outburst is the last, each time the public defends them from their critics on the grounds of civility or fairness, the fascist learns that they are exempt from the rules of society, and they rush to take advantage of the privilege afforded to them. They will accept nothing less than absolute totalitarian control; a nation in which whites are held superior in the written and unwritten law alike, where women are kept in bondage through the denial of their autonomy, where heteronormativity is a prerequisite for full citizenship, where Christian theocracy is common law, where Fortress America is somehow both in command of the international community and simultaneously divorced from it as an isolationist ethnostate.
This is not hyperbole, but the actual rationale being expressed by the Republican platform and its legislative decisions. We have already seen the mad twinkling of this vision in the eyes of Trumpists; we now live with the terrible knowledge that millions of Americans were always feigning their polite “cultural conservative” objections, always waiting for the chance to carry out an ethnic cleansing campaign, to watch starved babies die in the arms of their mothers for daring to pollute American soil with their presence. If 2020 becomes a year in which fascist violence and political arson escalates, or worse, is paired with an electoral victory, there is no telling what nightmare will be born from the failure of our society to stand firm and proclaim, “no farther.”
ICE deportation raids set to begin Sunday after Trump delay, report says | 11 July 2019 | Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents are preparing to conduct raids beginning Sunday to arrest thousands of illegal immigrants across the U.S. just weeks after President Trump announced that he was delaying the operation. The ICE agents will target at least 2,000 immigrants whose deportations have already been ordered, a New York Times report said, citing one former and two current Department of Homeland Security officials...The Times report said the raids will include "collateral" deportations, which means illegal immigrants at the scene of the raid who are not the target of the raid could be detained.
How U.S. Tech Giants Are Helping to Build China's Surveillance State | 11 July 2019 | An American organization founded by tech giants Google and IBM is working with a company that is helping China's authoritarian government conduct mass surveillance against its citizens, The Intercept can reveal. The OpenPower Foundation -- a nonprofit led by Google and IBM executives with the aim of trying to "drive innovation" -- has set up a collaboration between IBM, Chinese company Semptian, and U.S. chip manufacturer Xilinx. Together, they have worked to advance a breed of microprocessors that enable computers to analyze vast amounts of data more efficiently. Shenzhen-based Semptian is using the devices to enhance the capabilities of internet surveillance and censorship technology it provides to human rights-abusing security agencies in China, according to sources and documents. A company employee said that its technology is being used to covertly monitor the internet activity of 200 million people.
Anarchist comrade Nikos Romanos was released from prison in Greece yesterday after six years of imprisonment.
Nikos was a close friend of Alexis Grigoropoulos, an anarchist teenager who was murdered in Exarcheia by the police in 2008, sparking the Greek anarchist insurrection.
Nikos Romanos was arrested in February 2013 with 3 more people and charged with attempted armed robbery at the Agricultural Bank and TT Hellenic Postbank in Velvento, Kozani.
He was also sentenced to 18 years in prison for possession and placement of explosive devices in 2012. Among the “targets” was the home of the former Minister of National Defense, Giannos Papantoniou.
The court that originally sentenced Romanos had not admitted any mitigating circumstances, including his good behaviour while in prison but this decision was later reversed by the Supreme Court. Taking the Supreme Court’s decision into account, a Five-member Criminal Appeals Court that reconsidered his case recently reduced his sentence by four years, to 14 years in prison.
This made possible the release of Romanos, whose six years in prison counted “double” due to days of work done while incarcerated, during which time he had also finished high school and sat university entrance exams, getting a place in the Athens TEI School of Management and Economy.
In an interview earlier this year, Nikos stated, “Our goal should be to sharpen the subversive struggle in every form it can take, to transform it into a real danger for every ruler. Part of this process is reconstructing our historical memory, so it can serve as a compass for the strategies of struggle we employ. We should start talking again about the organization of different forms of revolutionary violence, the practices of revolutionary illegalism, and the need to diffuse these in the movement in order to overcome the “politics” (in the dirty and civil meaning of the word) that have infected our circles… Whoever arms his conscience to overthrow the brutal cycle of oppression and exploitation will definitely be the target of vengeful and authoritarian treatment by the regime. This does not mean that we will give up our fight, in the courtroom or elsewhere.”
Anarchists around the world will celebrate the release of Nikos, a comrade who has remained intransigent in his revolutionary values in the face of harsh repression from the state.
via AMW EnglishTags: GreeceNikos Romanos
The post Inspiration for Disaster Preparation as Hurricane Season Begins appeared first on It's Going Down.As we enter hurricane season in the Atlantic and fire season in the West, Mutual Aid Disaster Relief is compiling tips for preparing communities to take care of each other in the spirit of mutual aid when disaster strikes. Below is a list we’ve started and are continuing to add to as y’all submit new ideas for ways to prepare for disaster.
If you have additions to make to this list or would like to submit a report back on preparation projects your community had already undertaken, email us at email@example.com.
If you or your community needs resources to hold a disaster preparation event or distribute supplies, Mutual Aid Disaster Relief can help make it happen. Email us at firstname.lastname@example.org with details about any supplies or resources you need that we might be able to help with.
Getting ready as a network is a two-fold process – We can prepare ourselves individually and we can also support preparation in the most marginalized communities, those which are not only most adversely affected but also those which government and aid agencies will likely leave behind. Prepare yourself and think creatively about ways to support your larger communities to do the same, whether that’s by sharing information with at-risk neighbors or holding events to make collective disaster plans.GENERAL DISASTER PREPARATION
- Getting documents in order:
- Take photographs of your most important documents (social security card, IDs, birth certificate, proof of mortgage, tax returns, deeds, etc.) and try to keep the documents in a safe place during the disaster or have them handy to take with you when evacuating. Receiving immediate aid may be dependent on your ability to provide these documents and it can also drag out the recovery process if you have to go about replacing them.
- Many cities and counties have emergency notification services but you have to opt in to receive information.
- For vehicle and homeowners:
- Take timestamped pictures of your vehicle and your house before a disaster so if any damage happens, you have proof that it was from the disaster for insurance purposes.
- If your home is not in your name it can delay receiving aid. You can check with your county clerk to see if your home is in your name. If it isn’t, notify the family member who officially owns your home that it may be affected by disaster. If possible, initiate the process for adding your name to the deed, or transferring ownership to you. If the official owner is alive this will probably not be difficult, but if they are deceased there may be conflict between potential owners that will delay the process. However, you should start the process as soon as possible.
- Check with insurance companies to see if policies are up-to-date and paid for. You may not be able to pay it off, but if you are on a payment plan that should make a policy active. Flood insurance policies do not go into effect until 30 days after they are purchased.
- Check property tax records. Similar to insurance, home-owners cannot be denied FEMA for being behind on property tax records. However, NGOgroups may be hesitant to provide assistance if they are worried the investment will be reclaimed by the city. Homeowners can be on a payment plan and get any liens removed from their homes.
- Preparing to evacuate or shelter in place
- Whether you evacuate or shelter in place, you should have any medications you or your family needs, drinking water and some ready-to-eat food, (if sheltering in place, two weeks worth of food and water is recommended), flashlights and batteries, and some form of identification. You may also include solar or car cell phone chargers. A portable battery-operated or crank radio is also helpful for getting information. Have some cash available as ATMs may not be operational and debit/credit cards may not be accepted when the power is out.
- Prepare a go bag (a disaster supply kit) of the supplies listed above that you can grab on your way out if you have to evacuate quickly.
- If you’re available to provide aid to others during a disaster and have a vehicle, have some extra water, first aid materials, N95 respirators, any rescue materials and tools ready to go in your trunk.
- Gas pumps will not operate without electricity; try to keep your tank full.
- There are many reasons people can’t or choose not to evacuate during a disaster, but if you do plan to evacuate, think about how your household would evacuate. Read up on your city/county’s plan. Think about where you would go, who you could stay with, and how you’d get there. Cities will likely establish shelters, but people who go to the homes of loved ones report much less stress, better health outcomes, and often fair better in the long term.
- Go door-to-door or hold an event in your neighborhood to find out who will need extra support evacuating. Disabled and elderly people are at higher risk to get left behind and may not have a way to find out a disaster is coming before it’s at their door.
- Immediately following a disaster:
- Take timestamped photos of and document everything that’s been damaged. Check for any walls pushed off of slab foundations. Check for any pipes that may have cracked due to shifting in the wind.
- After floods, remove wet materials as soon as you have documented the damage. This reduces mold damage and speeds up recovery in the long term.
- Set up a system to track receipts during repair. One of the worst things that can happen to families who receive assistance is that they are later asked to prove how they spent the money and cannot do so. It’s a cruel system but one we have to prepare for. Creating a file folder or notebook where you tape receipts is a good practice. Alternatively, you can take photos of receipts and save them digitally. Every time you work with a contractor you should ask for a quote, invoice, and receipt, even if they are a family friend.
- During a flood:
- Elevate your most important belongings. It’s usually not clear how high water will come, but even putting very valuable things on top of tables, or on top of cabinets can save a lot of money in the long term. Dishwashers will likely not protect your things as they’re not designed to prevent water penetration under external water pressure.
- As an extra precaution you can cut the power and gas to your house before you leave. Having water in outlets should flip your breakers but if you have outdated or unpermitted electrical work it may not.
- After a flood:
- Get people N95 (mold-grade) masks as soon as possible. Black mold can start spreading within days of the water receding and has long-term health impacts.
FIRE & SMOKE SPECIFIC PREPARATION
- As PG&E has announced plans to cut power during high fire danger conditions, making emergency power shutoff plans is essential, especially for more vulnerable residents who depend on electricity or battery power to keep medication refrigerated or medical equipment operating. Those dependent on wells won’t be able to get water from them. A/C will stop working so smoke will be worse in people’s homes.
- Make and pass out flyers that include any of the information above to support neighbors in their preparation. Check to see if your city or county has information on their emergency operations plan that could be distributed. Local governments often already have pamphlets about available resources for houseless communities that can be helpful in case of disaster too. Ask community or religious centers if you can leave them materials to give to their communities.
- Hold a meeting in your neighborhood or community to develop a collective plan. Figure out where high ground is, if there are churches that will agree in advance to shelter people or supplies, and who has boats or other tools that would be useful to the neighborhood. If possible, talk about who has extra room to store others’ important belongings and supplies in case of evacuation.
- Organize your community to put pressure on the local government to do preparation work such as cleaning drainage ditches. Pressure local governments to ensure the shelters they set up are as inclusive and safe for marginalized people as possible. Some local governments have plans to only accept people who can prove residency at local shelters, excluding houseless people and those who don’t have or couldn’t bring their IDs. If the shelters aren’t safe places for people who are experiencing homelessness, people with warrants, or people who are undocumented, work to find alternatives.
- Approximately 20,000 heir’s property owners were denied FEMA or HUD assistance following Hurricanes Katrina and Rita because they weren’t able to show clear titles to their property in time (Source). Hold an event to help connect homeowners with lawyers who can help get house deeds into their names if they’ve inherited the house. The process for transferring the deed takes more than a day but connecting them with a lawyer to go through this process in advance will save a lot of time and effort when a disaster does hit. If someone is near the end of their life and lives within an area likely to be affected by a disaster, a lawyer can help write a will deed, which takes less than an hour, that will automatically transfer the deed into the heir’s name when they pass.
- Be a community prepper; stock up on extra supplies to share with others that need them in case of disaster. Coordinate with your neighbors.
- As always, keep doing relevant community organizing and mutual aid work in your neighborhood and greater communities. The connections, resources, knowledge, and skills gained from relationships built through struggle are critical to an effective grassroots mutual aid response to any disaster.
Oftentimes, in disasters, whether personal or collective, we find a power within us that can’t be measured or defined. There is an alternative to the hoarding, violent zombie-prepper trope, an instinctual social responsibility that most individuals and groups will default to when a crisis strikes. Help midwife this. Share what you have. Leverage your skills, resources, connections, and networks to meet each other’s needs. And reach out to us for backup when you need it. You are not alone.
Feel free to use any of this info and distribute widely. If you make up flyers or other materials, email us those so we can post them too! (email@example.com)
The post Asheville, NC: Sabotage Against Bank Investing in ICE appeared first on It's Going Down.The following communique was anonymous sent to It’s Going Down which we reprint here.
In the early hours of the morning of July 11th in so-called Asheville, NC, a PNC bank branch ATM had its card slot super-glued shut and its screen defaced. This is a small gesture taken in response to the call for a week of action against ICE profiteers. The only “crisis at the border” is the crisis of sickening trauma and deadly violence imposed on black and brown folks by the State where an imaginary line has been drawn. The real-life consequences of that line however, are very real…
Solidarity to those who made this call, those who put in the time and work to support our immigrant brother and sisters, and those who act out against the state and the violence it both perpetrates and profits from.
Fuck borders and fuck all those who profit from their violence.
Trump rails against 'terrible bias' at social media summit | 11 July 2019 | President Trump on Thursday denounced the world's top social media companies as being biased against him and his supporters and pledged that his administration will be exploring "regulatory and legislative solutions" to protect free speech online. "We have terrible bias, we have censorship like nobody has any understanding or nobody can believe," he said. Trump's remarks came at the White House's controversial "social media summit," which drew about 250 attendees including top administration officials and a crowd of right-wing social media personalities. The president announced that he will be convening a meeting of the companies at the White House next week over concerns that they routinely censor right-wing [and anti-Deep State] perspectives.
Trump, 'not backing down' in effort to count citizens amid census fight, announces executive order | 11 July 2019 | President Trump, speaking at the White House on Thursday, announced that he would "immediately" issue an executive order to get an accurate count of non-citizens and citizens in the United States -- a measure Trump said would be "far more accurate" than relying on a citizenship question in the 2020 census. The move would make use of "vast" federal databases and free up information sharing among all federal agencies concerning who they know is living in the country, Trump said... Speaking after Trump, Attorney General Bill Barr said the information collected via the executive order could be useful in determining the makeup of the Electoral College and congressional apportionment.
Alex Acosta refuses to resign, blames Florida prosecutors for Epstein deal --Says billionaire would have dodged jail without his intervention | 10 July 2019 | Labor Secretary Alex Acosta rejected calls to resign Wednesday, saying he was the one who made sure billionaire Jeffrey Epstein served jail time and registered as a sex offender the first time he was accused of sexually abusing teen girls. Fighting for his job and his reputation, Mr. Acosta held a rare press conference to defend the decisions he made a decade ago when, as U.S. attorney in Miami, he was involved in that first case against Mr. Epstein...Mr. Acosta said state prosecutors were preparing to pursue even lesser charges until his office stepped in and threatened a heftier indictment.
The post Denver, CO: Free Emergency Legal Clinic in Response to Threats of Mass Deportations appeared first on It's Going Down.Come out for a free emergency legal clinic in Denver, Colorado area. The event is happening from 4:00 to 7:00 pm Friday, July 12, 2019, The Mercury Café, 2199 California Street, Denver Colorado, 80205.
Denver, Co—The Trump administration is threatening mass deportations in the Denver area this weekend. Families will be ripped apart. Homes will be raided. People will be arrested off the streets and thrown in detention centers will they would be held indefinitely.
There will be a free emergency legal clinic—in direct response to the Trump Administration deportations announced for this weekend—tomorrow 4:00 pm at the Mercury Café in Downtown Denver. Open to anyone who has questions about their constitutional rights in the face of mass arrests. Conducted by attorneys, the meeting be intruded upon by ICE, DHS, or any representatives of the US government as it is subject to protections of the 6th Amendment right to counsel and attorney client privilege. Conducted in both Spanish and English.
Open to any citizen, resident, or non-citizen who has any questions about how to defend themselves and their friends and families against this weekend’s mass deportations. Questions, contact The Law office of Jason Flores-Wiiliams303-514-4524
We need your help applying pressure to ensure the horrors that happened at FCI Beaumont during Hurricane Harvey don’t happen again (Note- FCI Beaumont is in the projected path of Barry). This tactic proved effective last year when we forced North Carolina and Virginia to evacuate prisons ahead of Hurricane Florence!Demands:
- Immediate evacuation of all prisoners from every prison.
- Stockpiling of Water and Food at every facility.
When you get a response tweet @FightXPrisons!
Phone numbers aren’t working? Tweet us with number updates too!
Keep them talking, ask questions, get details, email us. If you can, record the phone call and email it to us. If it turns out they’re lying, we’ll have voice-recorded evidence. (Email FTPDisasterPrep@gmail.com and include “Barry” and the Department you called in the email title)!
ALSO- We don’t trust ANY Department of Corrections. Per Jailhouse Lawyers Speak’s advice, “If you know any prisoners in this storm path, it’s important to tell them to fill up any containers or bags with water NOW!! Prisons are notorious for not giving adequate drinking water to prisoners if any at all after the water is contaminated.”Numbers to Call: Louisiana Department of Corrections- Tweet at- @Louisiana_DOC
UPDATE [9:05am CST, July 11]: We have a voice recording of a Louisiana DOC employee claiming that Louisiana prisons are being evacuated. The truth of this remains to be seen, press them for details!
Demand Immediate Evacuation of All Louisiana Prisons
LDOC Headquarters- (225) 342-6740Mississippi Department of Corrections- Tweet at- @MS_MDOC
Demand Immediate Evacuation of All Western Mississippi Prisons
MDOC Central Office- (601) 359-5600
MDOC Office of Communications- 601-359-5608Texas Department of Criminal Justice- Tweet at- @TDCJ
UPDATE [12:00PM CST, July 11]- We’ve gotten word that the TDCJ Office of Incident Management is deciding whether to evacuate/stockpile water and food at East Texas prisons. We have a voice recording of them claiming “Texas is not even in the cone any more.” The National Hurricane Center still shows East Texas within the outer edge of Barry’s wind and rain zones. This is still an extremely dangerous situation if the power and water goes out and they do not have water and food stockpiled.
Their number: 936-437-6038
Demand Immediate Evacuation of All Southeastern Texas Prisons
TDCJ Executive Director Bryan Collier- (512) 463-9988 and (936) 295-6371
TDCJ Deputy Executive Director Oscar Mendoza- (936) 437-6251ICE Immigrant Detention Centers- Tweet at- @ICEgov
Demand Immediate Evacuation of All Immigrant DetaineesLouisiana and Mississippi
- New Orleans Field Office- 504-599-7800
- New Orleans – Community Relations Officer- 504-310-8822
- Houston Field Office (Covers Southwest Texas)- 281-774-4816
- Houston – Community Relations Officer- 281-985-0955
South Central Regional Office Located in Grand Prairie, TX- 972-730-8600
Demand Evacuations at:
- Louisiana- FCI Pollock (318-765-4400), USP Pollock (318-561-5300), FCI Oakdale I (318-335-4070), FCI Oakdale II (318-335-4466)
- Texas- FCI Beaumont Low (409-727-8172), FCI Beaumont Medium (409-727-0101), USP Beaumont (409-727-8188)
Southeastern Regional Office Located in Atlanta, GA- 678-686-1200
Demand Evacuations at:
- Mississippi- CI Adams County (601-304-2500), FCI Yazoo City Low (662-751-4800), FCI Yazoo City Medium (662-716-1020), USP Yazzo City (662-716-1241)
The ‘Historical Jigsaw of Climate Deception’: Private Notes Show How Big Oil Spread Climate Science Denial
We’ve all heard the dodgy arguments: ‘the science is uncertain’, ‘climate change is natural, not down to humans’, ‘science has been hijacked by politics’… Now a new cache of documents sheds light on the origins of the disinformation.
In another verse of a now familiar refrain, a fossil fuel industry group in the 1990s publicly promoted arguments to undermine confidence in climate science while internally acknowledging their products where driving up temperatures.Tags: global climate coalitionClimate Investigations Centerintergovernmental panel on climate changeclimate science denial
From First of May Anarchist Alliance, Thu, 11 Jul 2019 08:43:20 +0300
The Attack on Women's Rights - A presentation by Miriam Pickens
A presentation by Miriam Pickens at M-1-Detroit public meeting, June 29, 2019.
First, the anarchist desire for freedom, in its largest, most expansive interpretations, is the basis or heart of our fight for women’s freedom. This is tempered, of course, by the fact that your freedom does not trample on mine; you cannot oppress me, or any one, and claim it as “freedom.”
We differ from Marxists on this point, in that they believe the working class can seize state power and use this vehicle to gain freedom. The purpose of a state, any state, is to oppress, that is, deny freedom.
Transmen are not women, yet they experience attempts to exert patriarchal control over their reproductive rights. They also experience oppression from some women who claim to be feminists. Some feminists dismiss sex workers. In Canada there was a library exhibit on feminism, including works by Andrea Dworkin and other separatists who have a limited idea of what constitutes inclusive feminism. This exhibit was protested by the trans community and their supporters, which highlighted the way the separatist politic oppresses others in their claim for freedom.
When I say women and women’s rights, it is easy to universalize the experience of white, cis, u.s.-born women. Not all women experience the world in the same way. Trans men and women have certain different experience of the world; Black and Brown women face different challenges and have a different experience of the world than white women. For example, white women have fought for the right to employment and the right to be their own person in the world (own bank accounts, credit, right to rent or purchase a home) while Black women have been forced to work by the threat of starvation, having always worked, and suffer discrimination based on white defined ideas of hair, etc., dreadlocks being ruled inappropriate by the courts. As Fannie Lou Hamer once said, “Black women have never been able to call their bodies their own.” All women are now being called on to fight for this most basic of rights: our bodies, our choice.
The attack on women’s rights has taken on increased strength. This is fueled by the general turn to the right, the acceptance of open hatred and brutality towards women, the steadily declining confidence of men in their understanding of their role in the world and the fluidity of family structure. The economic turn to neoliberalism has also left both men and women unsure of their ability to survive. This shaky ground leaves many searching for some certainty in a world that provides no certainty at all. They grasp at old solutions that have, in fact, never worked and try to bully and blunder their way to dominance.
Patriarchy was one of the first forms of hierarchical domination, a way to hoard resources (and power) for the few at the expense of equality for all, or an equal sharing of resources. In the development of class society, this domination was enshrined in the form of the nuclear family. Capitalism used this pre-capitalist form because it provided one sector, men, with the free labor of women: sexual and emotional support, child bearing, raising and care, food gathering and preparation, maintenance of a home. These are social expenses that are not directly paid for but are essential to the running of society. In order to maintain this dominance, an entire ideology was created that determined women to be unequal to men and less than them in every way. Men also desire/d to control women’s sexuality and ability to give birth, the one thing they could not do for themselves. They needed children, specifically male heirs, but could not control this outcome without the complete control of women.
The current attack on abortion rights is rooted in this history and in this need for dominance.
The white supremacist movement is a male movement, even though it is supported by many women. The Nazi slogan of “kinder, kirche, kuche” or “children, church, cooking” echoes in the views of those promoting a specific role and place for women, to be determined by the men. The respectable pillars of society echo this as well, politicians, churchmen, lawyers and judges. The women who support them feel secure and safe in a tradition that is, in fact, not secure, nor safe.
The violence towards women who seek self determination, control over their own bodies, is an indicator of how insecure these men are. They want to be able to have sex with whoever they want, regardless of age, force them to bear children, and make them responsible for the welfare and well being of that child. They want to be able to claim that child, without financial responsibility, and force themselves into the lives of their rape victims. They feel that if women are continually pregnant, they will not take jobs away from them or be able to live without them, thus ensuring their dominance. This is about control and power.
The fight for women’s self determination, the right to control our own bodies, the right to determine whether or not we bear children is a fight for our lives. We cannot afford to lose. Women will still get abortions – rich women will continue to finance their own abortions, poor women will die in attempts to provide themselves with adequate medical care. Poor women will be put in jail, with untold suffering to their families and themselves. Just last week, a woman was arrested in Alabama for having a miscarriage. Doctors will be frightened out of providing medical care, and unsafe and unclean, unscrupulous hatchet men will make themselves rich.
It is the task of the entire working class, men as well as women, to fight back against this attack. Women will lead this fight, because it is our health that is on the line. But we can expect women as well as men to be against us; false consciousness is very high.
It has been suggested to me that men have a specific role in confronting patriarchal attitudes and actions among other men. This is true, but we should be cautious in adopting what could easily turn into a paternalistic attitude: it is Not men’s role to protect women; it is their job to join with us in countering every attack.
The extreme brutality of the laws being passed in, so far, 15 states and the speed with which this is being pursued testifies to the level of anxiety, frustration and anger that is being whipped up. Along with the economic attacks on workers, the police and non government attacks on Black people, the viciousness of the attacks on international workers attempting to enter the u.s. and their children, the growth of the jails, prisons and concentration camps being built and expanded, the attacks on LGBTIQ and trans people, the increase of shootings, kidnappings and daily brutality experienced by so many, women are also facing attack. Everyone of us must join with every other person facing attack from this capitalist, heading toward fascist system, wherever that attack comes from and whatever its excuse. An injury to one is an injury to all. We, international workers all, must unite, organize ourselves, and fight back.
To bring it back to anarchism, we propose community self defense as the form the resistance should take. In our communities, our schools, our workplaces, our parks, all of our social space must be defended and protected from the capitalist and predator onslaught. Every protection we have ever had, in our entire history of struggle, has been what we have provided for ourselves. We must organize to resist, opening our communication with each other, so we can figure out our best tactics and strategies. These organizations are posed defensively, yet they lay the basis and provide a form for a revolutionary overthrow of the entire system. There must be a revolution because they will smash us, until we smash them.
Miriam thought it would be useful to also post these notes by comrade KS of the m1 Michigan Collective:
Women are not a homogeneous social class but contain various intersections of identity and oppression. Philosophically, this requires of us to criticize essentialism and also to recognize that causation is multiple: it all can’t be boiled down to one thing like class, race, placement or non-placement on the gender binary, sexual orientation, and so on, but all these things are historically intertwined and *also* unique. Politically, this requires us to have an orientation toward all marginalized peoples and the ability to *embrace difference*; to not assume circumstances, or even commonality beyond the most basic human drives (for survival and autonomy)
The trap we fall into by universalizing the experience of any one woman or group of women is that we inevitably appeal to the dominant culture as the universal culture. We do this because all of us, too, are assimilated to some extent. Instead, our approach should be to take everybody, with their own life story, seriously. We don’t need scientific studies to tell us that a trans woman is a woman; all we need to do is listen to her, in her own words. What does a black woman have to say about wages and employment in the US? What about the Bangladeshi garment worker? Or third gender in Pakistan?
We don’t *assume* commonality, but we inevitably do find, in every case, areas of common interests. That’s because we live under a common global capitalist and patriarchal system. Our fight is each other’s fight, this is the practical basis of our solidarity.
It should be more than obvious than a united feminist political force could shift the world more than it has ever been shifted, patriarchy being as old as it is. But for this to happen, there needs to careful consideration about hierarchies. Trans, third gender, queer, non-binary, black, brown, indigenous, refugee, and working class women in general outnumber wealthier and relatively independent cis white women in this world, yet it has been western white women who have dominated the popular narrative around feminism, and have shaped its demands. Sometimes the results can be disastrous, such as with the Burka Ban in France.
With the right wing on the ascent, it is more pressing than ever for feminism to assert itself as a political force. Unfortunately, tendencies like white supremacy and religious fundamentalism are strong, and are able to accomplish oppressive measures against women with the support of some women. Whether its conservative white women in Alabama who support restrictive abortion policies, or anti-trans so-called feminists speaking at alt right and far right nationalist events – its clear that some women do feel protected by the white supremacist nation-state and “traditional” gender binary, even as they are actively oppressed by patriarchy. This reminds me of the Arab native informants that would come onto CNN and Fox News to justify the war in Iraq during the Bush years.
However, more women are outside of the inner circle of white supremacy and wealth than inside. And although women are under severe attack right now, people are fighting back around the world, from protests in Alabama to Sudanese and Algerian women exercising revolution. And under this climate of global austerity, these struggles are interlinked with class struggle in the natural way they should be. What would happen if women workers of the world unite, in all their variation, diversity, and strength?
For one, we could see the end of gendered violence. The means of force have always been only considered proper to a man, and men have used this power to murder, rape, imprison, and exploit women – whether through the nuclear family, employment, state violence. What would community self defense for women look like such that it could defend from this? What would it look like to smash this power?
We could also think the end of economic exploitation proper to women, the “primitive accumulation” of unpaid domestic work.
Both of these call for the end of the state and capital, ultimately, as intertwined as they are with patriarchy. They mean empowering women politically and economically. It could mean women arming themselves to achieve this. Ultimately, it’s a fight against the state’s patriarchal institutions and ties to capital, and capital’s ability to decide the distribution of income (dependent on the profit motive).
It’s also a more diffuse cultural fight, within our homes, neighborhoods, places of work, schools, and so on – but these are all connected with the greater institutions that regulate our lives and foster our dependence.Tags: detroitFirst of May Anarchist Allianceevents
(en) Grece, anarkismo.net: zero geographic #25
by Panagiotis Xirouhakis
"Bring the rifles you built into the streets and the barricades. Let all the forces of the proletariat rise and arm them. Put an end, with the power of weapons, on the systematic destruction of the human race. Proletarians! Raise your axes now, your axes, your barricades, the social revolution! Proletarian soldiers, despair! If you have to fight, do it against those who oppress you! Your enemy is not on the so-called borders, but here. Protestant women, rebel! Prevent the departure of your loved ones! Let it be you, the factory worker and the earth, the conscious and the powerful, let it be you who will let down the tools and you will cry: Enough! No more!
The first world war was the result of the execution of the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire Francis Ferdinand in Sarajevo by the young Bosnian Serb Garchil Prinsip, a member of the Mlada Bosna organization (New Bosnia) . Bosnia and Herzegovina was officially annexed to the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1908, while 50% of its population was Bosnian Serbs (Howard, 2006). But the irresponsible feeling of liberation from Austro-Hungariania and the union with Serbia was very strong (Ferguson, 2006), and the successor would pay it with his life, as it was executed by an organization, New Bosnia, which aimed to overthrow the Austro-Hungarian zy
After the declaration of war in Austria by Austria, developments were rapid (Hauard, 2006). One great force declared war on the other, leading mankind to a major world war. In this war, eventually named World War I, the camps were two. On the one hand, the Entente (which consisted of the British Empire, Russia, France and later the United States, Romania, Italy and Greece) and the central forces (Germany, Austro-Hungary, Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire) The causes of the war were of course not the possible involvement of Serbia in the execution of the successor (as Austro-Hungarian invoked to declare the war in Serbia) but the imperialist antagonisms.
The war has evolved into a real massacre as, due to mass industrial production and technology (Howard, 2006), older military tactics (cavalry use, bayonet raids, etc.) were overtaken, and the new technological arsenal was introduced into the scene: the use of trains for mass movements army, bulk throwing of artillery, chemical gases, guns, airplanes, tanks, etc.
In all major conflicts, ideology plays an important role. The same is true in the case of the First World War where various competing ideological trends (communism, nationalism, etc.) collided with each other. At that time, anarchism was also a very powerful and massive movement that in some countries even overshadowed the Marxist and other left-wing movements. Such a dynamic movement could not have affected the war-related developments and especially the revolutionary processes that this war caused.
In the first part we will look at the relationship between anarchist "terrorism" and the first world war. In the second part we will present the anarchists who supported the war and we will emphasize the contradiction of this attitude. In the third part, the anti-war action of the anarchists will be presented, as well as their participation in revolutions both during the war and in those that followed its end. In the latter part, an attempt will be made to explain the attitude of anarchists during the war but also in the years that followed, and an attempt will be made to assess the role of the anarchist movement of those times.
Finally, we will show that the majority of the anarchists were distinguished for their anti-war and revolutionary attitude. In the years of the war and in the years that followed (1918-1922), they participated in the great uprisings and revolutions.
ANARCHY AND "TERRORISM"
First we clarify that the notion of terrorism is ideologically charged. For anarchists, states are terrorists. On the contrary, power considers any form of revolutionary movement (national liberation, communist, anarchist, etc.) that assumes the violence against it as terrorist. Things become even more confused as yesterday's terrorists can be seen after a victorious revolution as heroes from the newly established state and be imposed internationally for these beliefs. Some cases, however, remain controversial forever. For example, in the international bourgeoisie, even today, there is talk of the assassination of the successor by the terrorist Gavrilo Principe, with the exception of today's Serbia, who is considered a national hero.
After this parenthesis, we can present the relationship of anarchism to what the bourgeoisie of the time called terrorism. In any case in the late 19th century. and in the early 20th century. the anarchist-related violent movements can be distinguished in Russian zeroing and the blows associated with "Propaganda through the Act" (Laqueur, 1977). The Russian zenith as a reversal movement embraced "terrorism" as a means of achieving the purposes of the revolution. Even though it is not identical to anarchism as a movement, it has coalesced with and interfered with it. I would point out that Netsayev was an important Russian nilist, who at some point affected Bakunin.
Of all the nihilist movements, the most important was Narodnaya Voia (Tzol, 1975) who killed several Russian highs. In September 1879, Revolutionary People's Court of Narodnaya Voia condemned Tsar Alexander II to death. Eventually and after two unsuccessful attempts, success came in March 1881. Continues of the Russian Zionists were two decades later the Social Revolutionaries.
A new wave of "terrorism" erupted (mainly from anarchists and social revolutionaries) after the Bolsheviks seized power in November 1917 during the First World War. In part, they targeted the Bolsheviks (Lenin was injured in such an attack) and against German diplomats and soldiers, in order to undermine the peace talks between Germany and Russia.
The anarchist "Propaganda through Operation" in the 1990s was the culmination of anarchist violent action (mainly with bombings, executions and robberies) in Europe, and had a large share of the anarchist movement. Anarchists of this trend believed that by running rulers they brought the masses closer to the revolution. In their view, it was very important for the masses to see that even the elders could "kneel". Also the bombs of the 1880s and 1890s were the desperate reaction to the disappointment that came with the bloody crush of the Commune and the suppression of the First International. Between the last years of the 1970s. and the 1930s spread the "Propaganda through the Act" throughout the world. The most important executions of the leaders (out of several of those years that were made and attributed to the anarchists) are the following: In 1894 the French President Karnos was killed, in 1897 the Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Canovas, the Emperor of Elizabeth in 1898 and the Italian King Umberto in 1900 (Laqueur, 1977). In 1912 King George I was killed by anarchist Schina. In Spain, political violence was particularly flourishing as it became part of the trade union (and anarcho-syndicalist) struggles. For example, a group set up, among others, by Duroutti (later the leading figure of the CNT-FAI) killed the Bishop of Zaragoza. In US the US president was killed, while political executions from anarchists also took place in Argentina.
Some analysts argue that the political murders we mentioned did not have a significant effect but only increased repression. However, the execution of the successor that day in Sarajevo, even though it was the cause and not the real cause of such a blood-warned war, triggered sweeping and rapid developments.
ANCIENT AND SUPPORT OF THE
KROPOKKIN WAR AND THE MANIFEST OF THE 16
The role of the left in the First World War was not consistent with the anti-militaristic spirit that pre-warped it. In Germany, for example, most members of the Social Democratic Party (with the more obvious exception of the anti-militarist Karl Liebknecht) voted in favor of the war budget and thus advocated their country's war effort (Harman, 1997). In Russia, Marxist Plekhanov set himself unreservedly on the side of the Tsar. In Britain, the Labor Party supported the war effort (Ferguson, 2006). Not only was the left the majority in favor of the war. In Britain, most prominent feminists stood with the Entente to be defeated, as flamboyant Germany argued, although some important feminists argued against the war. In the field of spiritual people, the same situation prevailed. Even the famous science fiction writer and humanist X. Gi. Wells settled with the Entente. On the contrary, the Bolshevik party was against the war as it believed that the war was the product of capitalism, and there were no good or evil but only imperialist interests.
Anarchists generally followed an anti-war attitude, as we will see below, with some shaky exceptions. More important was the support provided by the famous and very popular anarchist of that time Kropotkin on the Russian side. Kropotkin was a Russian prince and recognized geographer and environmentalist, as well as one of the founders of anarchist communism. Together with other anarchists he signed the "Manifesto of the Sixteen" (Avrich, 2005). In opposition to the majority of the anarchists who were against the war (Woodcock, 1990), Kropotkin and other anarchists (mainly anarcho-communists and anarcho-syndicalists) who had similar views supported socialist La Bataille in 1916 (where the manifesto was first published) allies had to defend themselves in Germany's aggression.
It is important to understand that Kropotkin (Jol, 1975) was distinguished at a cultural level by a "anti-German" attitude as did other Russian revolutionaries (such as anarchist Bakunin, Bakunin's anti-Germanism was proverbial). In general, Bakunin blamed German civilization for excessive militarism. Perhaps one of the causes of Bakunin's views on German culture is to be traced back to the German Marx (Jol, 1975). In general, Kropotkin believed that Germany was a country where militarism and expansionism dominated culturally (Nettlau, 1996). If eventually Germany prevailed in the world's chessboard of imperialism, its totalitarianism would be channeled everywhere, increasingly removing the idea of an anarchist and social revolution.
The majority of the anarchists felt that Kropotkin betrayed the anarchist beliefs. The latter thus received an angry critique (Avrich 2005). Besides, in February 1916 (before the "Manifesto of the Sixteen") an anti-war manifesto was published by eminent anarchists (Rudolf Rooker, Emma Goldman, Alexander Bergman, etc.). Kropotkin, however, went against the dominant anti-war stance of the anarchists and went along with others in the publication of the "Manifesto of the Sixteen." Then Malatesta (among many others) attacked the protest of Kropotkin (Nettlau, 1996). Other anarchists accused Kropotkin of chauvinism and "anarchopatriotism" (Avrich 2005). Finally, the Bolsheviks accused Kropotkin and the group of betraying the revolution. Already in 1915 (before the 16 Manifesto) in "
A big issue was whether Kropotkin was eventually a crypto-fascist. This was supported by many political enemies at that time, such as the Bolsheviks. The truth is that this trend is especially strange if one compares it with Bakunin's attitude of life, a man who has played an important role in the formation of anarchism. Bakunin, though in the early years of his revolutionary action, was a supporter of the Slavic Revolution, eventually reversing many of his views.
The truth is that Bakunin, shaping his ideological identity (and partly the anarchism of which he is now regarded as a spiritual father), eventually became an internationalist. For Bakunin, the social and class revolution was a priority, and he was envisioning a humanity based on anarchist federalism. But even in the anarchist phase of his life, the patriotic uprisings (Bakunin, 2000) that had taken place at different times in the world did not leave him indifferent. He then showed interest in national liberation issues but trying to turn them into the class and internationalist direction.
A patriotic rebellion, therefore, did not tell him anything unless he approached the realization of anarchy (Bakunin, 2007). Why Bakunin's purpose was the ultimate co-existence of all peoples in an extreme society. So it was not the creation of a new nation-state through a national revolution and he was struggling in the opposite direction.
Indeed, he believed (as we will see in more detail) that a patriotic rebellion (which he hoped to have evolved) was possible against the Prussians when the latter invaded France in 1870 and fought in this direction by participating in the failed rebellion of Lyon . Ultimately, Bakunin's political belief was correct, at least in the case of Paris where the Parisian people actually revolted in 1871. The fruit of this insurrection was the Paris Commune of 1871 (to which Bakunin was unable to take part) who was drowned in the blood Nettlau, 1996).
Generally speaking, Bakunin was not a chauvinist but the opposite. An important fact is that in the anarchist phase of his life he did not support any of the major state entities in the intra-imperialist conflicts of his time (Bakunin, 2007). He opposed Prussia during the French-French War (1870-1871), but it did so after Napoleon's collapse and when the Prussians had invaded France. Bakunin's ultimate goal was to turn an imperialist conflict into a class rebellion. "True patriotism is essentially international ... The boundaries of the proletarian homeland were broadened to a degree that now includes the proletariat of the whole world" (Bakunin, 2007, p. 104).
On the contrary, Kropotkin gave his support (indirectly) to Tsar. Ultimately, the fear of Bakunin and Kropotkin against German totalitarianism would be justified by the rise of Nazism in power. What would not be justified (especially in the eyes of the anarchists who felt betrayed) is the support of Kropotkin on the Russian side in a war that killed millions of poor Russians and led to the Russian revolution and the execution of the last Russian tsar.
It should be stressed that the opposition to this war was not a harmless act. People who resisted many times were persecuted or imprisoned (Ferguson, 2006), while many lost their lives. Indicatively, I mention Ben Russell, who paid his anti-war attitude with imprisonment. Thus many anarchists paid their choices with imprisonment and persecution (Proletocultur, 2011).
ANARCHIA AND RETROSPECTIVE GAMES
Some anarchists favored or fought in the 1st. war because they saw the vindication of their irredentist views. The young Bosnians were a revolutionary move before the First World War. It did not have clear political goals, but its members supported panayugoslavism and other pervasiveness (Ferguson, 2006). Today, other sources are referred to as nationalists and others as anarchists. In fact they had influences from both nationalist and anarchist theorists (Pavlowitch, 2002).
But let's take things from the beginning. The period from the mid-19th c. until the beginning of the 20th century, when anarchism emerged as an important revolutionary stream, and an ideological foundation was formed, many anarchists were perpetuated by anti-authoritarian ideas and fought in various patriotic uprisings against imperial armies (Tzol, 1975). Also important was the influence of Bakunin, which aimed at transforming the patriotic revolutions into class (Bakunin, 2000) wars. Bakunin in his anarchist life supported a form of proletarian patriotism aimed at to create a new nation-state, but to realize the classless and extreme society.
At this point it is good to remember that the concept of patriotism has changed meaning over time. Nowadays it usually means different things for people with different ideologies. The notion of patriotism is subjective and often identifies with nationalism. And in Bakunin's years, patriotism had begun to mean different things about the various competing movements. Thus, the concept given to him by Bakunin is also subjective and not necessarily acceptable by the majority (both then and now). In any case, Bakunin, as we have already argued, was not a chauvinist and was opposed to nationalism (Bakunin, 2007). The same can be said of the majority of the anarchists who fought on various revolutionary fronts.
Thus, the contribution of anarchists who fought in various revolutions against empires in the late 19th century should not be overlooked. Amilcarhe Tsipriani is such an anarchist case. Tsiprianis even acted in Greece. In 1862, during the anti-ethnical uprising, he was in Athens, pursued by the Austrian police. Tsiprianis participated in the events of 1862 from the first moment. Indeed, in the area of Kavikaray, he created with other barricades where for the first time in the "Greek" area waved the red flag. He was then arrested and deported. In 1868 he participated in Crete during the rebellion against the Turkish authorities.
In 1897 he returned to Greece, taking part as a volunteer in the Greek-Turkish war along with other Italian anarchists. Indeed, in the battle of Domokos, a group of anarchists also participated. Also in the same year, some Italian anarchists fought in the rebellion of Crete, which was preceded (and was the cause) of the Greek-Turkish war. Anarchist rebels2, mostly Italians, fought as volunteers in Domokos and Crete, because they believed that there was a popular uprising and not a national conflict organized by a competitive nation.
Bulgaria was the country where the anarchists actively activated the national liberation struggles (Proletcult, 2011). A classic case was the anarchist Boeff, who today appears as a national hero of the Bulgarians (he died in the 1876 uprising against the Ottoman authorities), but his beliefs were anti-nationalist and abortive. Anarchists will also be actively involved in the revolts in the Macedonian area (Dhimon of the Printing House, 2001), which originally expressed social demands rather than the organized conflict of state-driven nationalisms. Many anarchists (Proletcult, 2011) will take part in Ilinden's failed rebellion. For a month in Thrace, during this uprising, the rebels tried to implement libertarian communism.
Finally, in Bulgaria, anarchists resist the country's entry into the First World War (Proletcult, 2011). Power will answer hard. Anarchists will be imprisoned for their opposition to the war. But in the course of the war, anarchists attack armies of symbols of power and wealth.
Generally, however, some anarchists obviously crossed the dividing line that separates revolutionary-proletarian patriotism and passed into chauvinism. An example is the Bulgarian anarchists who fought the Bulgarian army during the Balkan wars against the majority of Bulgarian anarchists who had anti-war views (Prolektul, 2011), but also the Italian futurists. However, as far as the organization that "fired" into the First World War, the contradictory of the case is that the Young Bosnians, an organization partially influenced by Bakunin, received assistance from the Black Hand by an organization created by the Serbian Army (Ferguson, 2006) .
The artistic-political movement of futurism (Botsola and Tisdale, 1984) also had contradictory and strange views on the present day. As a mixture of nationalism, anarchism and Nyceism, this important movement for the art took place from the outset in favor of Italy's entry into the war, even organizing artistic happenings to propagate the war. It should be noted here that in Italy there was a strong irredentist at that time, as it was believed that Italian integration was not complete and that many Italians lived under Austro-Hungarian yoke. With the outbreak of war, the Futurists ranked in the army faithful to their ideas, resulting in many losing their lives (Botsola and Tisdale, 1984).
ANARCHY, AN INTERNATIONAL WAVE AGAINST WAR AND REVOLUTION
"The revolution is nothing but war (just as war is the continuation of politics by other means)"
(Ehrman Esse in Coker, p. 11)
Anarchism played an important role in revolutions associated with the First World War in both direct and indirect ways. Thus we can say that anarchism as an ideology influenced to a certain extent Marxist revolutionary Lenin and consequently the Bolsheviks. The latter were very important for the success of the Russian Revolution, a historic event that triggered the revolution in the rest of Europe. Apart from their indirect influence, the anarchists actively participated in the revolutionary activities of these years (1914-1922).
"Letters to a Frenchman in the Present Crisis" (1870) is one of Bakunin's most important writings, as it is an essential contribution to the theory and practice of the revolution. Written during the tumultuous period of the Franco-Prussian War, when France was now defeating the defeat, the Napoleonic III government had collapsed and the Powers were at the gates of Paris. On this occasion Bakunin developed the idea of turning the wars between the imperialist states into civil wars for the Social Revolution.
In "Letters to a Frenchman in the Present Crisis", Bakunin called on the people (farmers and workers) to rise up to defy the invading army. It also called for the creation of the Communists who would abolish the French state and, at the same time, defend this new class society from the defeats of the French state (Bakunin was in favor of the civil war if it served the purpose of the social revolution). A little later the Parisians will rebel to protect Paris from the Prussians and the Paris Commune (1871) in which Bakunin was unable to take part and which eventually drowned in the blood of the French state itself. However, this rebellion was a vindication for Bakunin who believed that the popular uprising in that circumstance was possible (Nettlau, 1996).
But beyond the Paris Commune, this ideological tactic (that revolutionaries should have as a direct priority and the pursuit of a generalized and violent revolution during a period of intra-imperialist war) will find its ultimate vindication during the first world. war. Those years, devotees of this ideological positioning, (except the anarchists) and the Marxist Bolsheviks played a very important role in the October Revolution. In particular, Lenin worked systematically both theoretically and practically in this direction (Appignanesi, 1977). To point out here that the anti-war line of the Bolsheviks was called de-fetishism. According to the latter, the rebels should try to defeat their country in order to provoke a revolution there.
On the contrary, Marx and Engels believed that it was best to win the most progressive force (the one with more developed urban consciousness), because this historical development is a positive consequence for the working class of both the winning and defeated countries Draper, 1953/54). In this sense, their disdain for their tsarism and their conviction that it is good to be defeated in the battlefields also comes from. On the other hand, they believed that in cases of a defeat it could cause revolutionary processes in the state that would suffer it (Draper, 1953/54), but Bakunin was the one who consistently worked out a program to try to turn the war into a civil war.
It is of course possible that Lenin was influenced by the events of the Paris Commune and not directly by Bakunin's ideological position. Even so, however, the Paris Commune was more of the work of the Blank Communists and the Anarchists (the latter of course had already exerted a great theoretical effect outside Proudhon and Bakunin) and not so much of the Marxists. It is therefore quite possible that the anarchists exercised (at least) indirect influence on Lenin, who was in great appreciation of the Communist rebellion. Besides, in his work "State and Revolution" (1917) he had presented the commune as a model for the future revolutionary society (Jalketsis, 2017), where the armed popular masses would revive power by taking the road of self-government (of course when the time came the Bolsheviks did).
Of course, Lenin's position on imperialist wars differs in some respects from Bakunin's views or from the practices of the Communists. Lenin sought the defeat (Appignanesi, 1977) of Tsarist Russia from Germany (so that the revolution in the now defeated Russia was easier) and believed that in the same direction the German revolutionaries had to fight and propagate (defeat of the country their). As he himself stated his theory of imperialist war was the opposite of socialist patriotism. The rebellion, always according to him, must hope for the defeat of his country, so that the civil war (Appignanesi, 1977) is easier. The Communists, as we have already said, have fought against the First Invaders (patriotic and socially motivated) but also against the French state (with class and social motivation). Bakunin also called, as we have already seen, a struggle for the ultimate goal of the social and class revolution. Nevertheless, this idea of the revolution through the imperialist wars, even if it was used by Lenin slightly modified (as "revolutionary liberation"), does not cease to appear for the first time in Bakunin's revolutionary speech. But the Marxist and Anarchist gap during those years is already large, and it may have been difficult for Lenin to admit that he was influenced by Bakunin. even though it was used by Lenin slightly modified (as "revolutionary defeatism"), it does not cease to appear for the first time in Bakunin's revolutionary speech. But the Marxist and Anarchist gap during those years is already large, and it may have been difficult for Lenin to admit that he was influenced by Bakunin. even though it was used by Lenin slightly modified (as "revolutionary defeatism"), it does not cease to appear for the first time in Bakunin's revolutionary speech. But the Marxist and Anarchist gap during those years is already large, and it may have been difficult for Lenin to admit that he was influenced by Bakunin.
Here, to point out that Lenin's left-wing political enemies like Plekhanov and Martov (Jelketsis, 2017) accused him of the "Bukunism" civil war, especially as regards his pursuit of the revolt by violent and the destruction of the old system (if Bakunin would have considered his honor if he lived to have influenced Lenin, even if he was part of it, is another matter).
Also, as I have already said, in his work "State and Revolution" (1917), Lenin had presented the commune as a model for the future revolution (Jelketsis, 2017), where he puts the armed popular masses as bodies of the revolution aimed at self-government. But the "State and Revolution" is an exception (and contradiction) in Lenin's entire theoretical work. In general, he believed in the inadequacy of revolutionary spontaneity and gave priority to the discipline of the party, the revolutionary leadership of party members, and bureaucratic centralization.
However, Lenin's relations with anarchism do not stop here. Leninism, according to the Ulam historian (1998), has some similarities with Neyjayphism. Nechayev (Jol, 1975) was a Russian zenith who had been influenced by Bakunin (of course, the latter for some time seemed to have accepted the influence of Netsayev). Netsayev absolutely believed in the achievement of the revolution through the use of any means, even of terrorism. We must emphasize that in the early years of his life Lenin accepted the influence of the Russian Nile Movement, whose member was his eldest brother (Ulam, 1998), who was even executed for his attempt to assassinate Tsar with other zeros. Also after his life, although he embraced Marxism, Netsayev's influence was not indifferent (Service, 2000).
It was also influenced by Netsayev's idea of the revolutionary who should be solely interested in the revolution and for nothing else. In Leninism, however, this idea (that the revolution is the absolute priority) will not be realized through the action of the nihilists that in its eyes seemed romantic and did not fully express the working class4. On the other hand, Lenin considered the Bolshevik party (which is the leader of the working class) as an ideal body of the revolution. Thus he adapted Netsayev's idea into his own political perception (Radzinsky, 1997). The revolutionary party had to devote itself totally to the idea of the revolution. The latter became the Bolsheviks' ultimate goal. However, the prominent Marxist Plekhanov accused the Bolsheviks of using Netsagev's tactics (Jalketsis,
The conviction of the graphs is that subsequent Marxist historiography silenced as much as these influences could have found, and at least as far as the influence of Russian zeroism, and Eric Hobsbawm (1959) were concerned. We see, however, that the anarchism of the 19th century (through Bakunin, the anarchists of the Paris Commune and Netsayev) influenced to a certain extent the ideological identity of Bolshevism (which, of course, is most strongly influenced by Marx and the general Marxist political philosophy).
However, the anarchists of those war years who were faithful to the idea of revolution, took part with zeal in the revolutionary events of the First World War (Nettlau, 1996).
At the international level, the majority of the anarchists opposed the war, such as the CNT's anarcho-syndicalists in Spain. In Russia most anarchists did not follow Kropotkin and his team in their anti-bolshevik and anti-bolshevik stance (Avrich 2005). Indeed, many anarchists have originally favored an alliance with the Bolshevik party. Such was the case of the Makovites.
Nestor Makhno's movement is an anarchist effort with a huge geopolitical influence on the events associated with the First World War and its post-revolutionary consequences (Bielas and Bielas, 2008). During the Austro-German invasion of 1918 against the Russian Revolution (which had acquired radical features since October 1917), Makhno organized an armed resistance. Then, during the Russian civil war, the Makhnovites allied with the Bolsheviks against the "White" and other "enemies of the revolution" (Tzol, 1975). The most important force of counter-revolutionaries was the "White". Though many "White" were tsarists, tsarism was not the connecting ideological link of this movement (indeed, there were "White people" who were supporters of democracy, republicans, socialists, etc.).
Eventually, Makhno's army (which even reached its top tens of thousands and relied on self-management) after crushing the Ukrainian nationalists and the White House, was betrayed by its old ally, the Red Army, and eventually defeated. Until recently, Makhno was forgotten even in Ukraine (where the Bolshevik winners had seduced him). However, Makhno's contribution to the Russian Revolution was huge (Tzol, 1975). Makhno's army was excellent at a tactical level (Tzol, 1975), achieving many victories against the enemies of the revolution. He also invented "smart weapons", such as farm horse-drawn chariots equipped with machine guns (and called tachanka). Last, for some time,
In Hungary, the small but militant Hungarian anarchist movement (Everett, 2006), co-operating with the Bolshevik Party and left-wing socialists, helped create the Budapest Commune (which ran from 21 March to 1 August 1919). On 21 March, the Hungarian Soviet Republic was declared the first after Russia. The relationship of the anarchists with the Bolshevik party in the case of Hungary despite some confrontations was good. But the party itself had a relatively anti-authoritarian character. And because in 1918 (Everett, 2006) some of the Hungarian anarchists participated in the newly established communist party of Hungary (which played a very important role in the events of the commune) and tried to turn the party into more libertarian paths.
Eventually the commune collapsed when the Romanian army on behalf of the Advent invaded Hungary and defeated the revolutionary forces. The Commune succeeded a trade union government, while on August 6 the Romanian army occupies Budapest. But things will get worse. The coup d'état of Hungarian Admiral Michel Horty (who in the coming years as a regent binds Hungary to the chariot of Nazi Germany) follows the government. Then the Hungarian nationalists, under the eyes of the Romanian occupation army, unleash the "white" terror that left behind the thousands of victims (including several anarchists).
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Italian anarchist movement flourished. In addition, by 1914, the anarchist movement was boosted by the influx of new members as a result of the struggles against the Libyan campaign and struggles to defend the working class. In Italy, the results of the intra-national struggle over the issue of war were less damaging to the anarchist movement than in other countries. But in general, the Italian left has not had such a mood as in the other countries. So Partito Socialista Italiana (PSI) has not fervently boosted the war effort as did various major socialist parties in the rest of Europe1.
The anarchist interventionists in favor of Italy's entry into the conflict were not many, and it has been argued that 1 such attempts were initiated by Nysex and hibernate anarcho-individualists. We have already seen the case of the futurists who fall in part in the category of anarcho-individualists (Botsola and Tisdale, 1984).
The conflict within the revolutionary trade union organization USI, part of which was in favor of the Italian involvement in the war, brought the organization into the hands of the anti-militaristic majority in September 1914. Also the major Volonta magazine had the strongest anti-nationalist and anti-war line and promoted the internationalist and anti-capitalist role of anarchism. Eventually the anarchist supporters of the intervention were unable to enforce themselves in the anarchist movement. On the contrary, the anti-militarist tendency of anarchism when Italy finally entered the war was manifested in the army with many deserts and other acts of disobedience. Anarchists also organized and participated in popular anti-war demonstrations.
The anarchists participated in the Turin uprising in August 1917 - where the hostility of the Italian proletariat in the war and the desire for social change skyrocketed. In the last year of war due to excessive repression, anarchist activities declined. Nevertheless, the end of the war marked a return to mass action and organization within the movement. However, the October Revolution awakened the anarchists' hopes. In general, the end of the great war found the anarchists ready for revolutionary action (Staid, 2013).
In Germany, the anarchists turned against the war. Also, the artistic group of the dancers, in contrast to the futurists (of whom artistically had been influenced enough) reacted to the war (Hans, 1983). After the war, the pro-aristocratic artistic group of "Progressives of Cologne", who were Communist advisers (Everest, 2013), emerged. But the most important events concerning anarchists were in Bavaria after the end of the war. The Bavarian Soviet republic (which lasted about five months) was part of the 1918-1919 German revolution which followed the German defeat in the First World War (Harman, 1997). Both in the German revolution and in the creation and operation of short-term democracy, anarchists played an important role.
Karen Aisen (socialist and member of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD)) declared Bavaria on November 8, 1918 (Harman, 1997) as a free state, as the crowd had been uprooted in the past few days. free state. The capital of the new state was Munich. Although the Bolshevik Revolution was inspiration to most of Europe's rebels, Einser tried not to identify with the Bolsheviks and thus did not touch the property. Aisner was finally murdered by a far-right (Harman, 1997). Gradually, the anarchists and Communists began to gain more power, and on 6 April 1919 Soviet democracy was proclaimed, with the reigning Gustav Ladywur(1870-1919) as anarchist Erik Muhammad.
This soviet pro-initiation phase did not last long. Finally, on April 12, 1919, the Communist Party took control of the rebellious Soviet republic led by Eugen Leviné6. The army and the far-right Freikorps eventually entered Munich and defeated the rebels after hard fighting, while many of them fought. Also included in the soviet was Ret Marut, who during the war published the anarchist magazine Der Ziegelbrenner. After the commune defeat, Maruto left exile in Mexico to save his life. We can say that he almost disappeared from his old comrades to protect himself, and changed his name. It is none other than the famous author B. Treven (Everest, 2013).
CONCLUSIONS-EXPLANATION OF THE ANARCHY STATE
Anarchists played a very important role in the events associated with the First World War. We have already seen that they were related to the explosion of war. A group of revolutionaries, influenced by various ideologies, including anarchism, triggered the First World War. Of course, the execution of the successor in Sarajevo was the cause and not the cause. Surely the war would break out sooner or later but it would obviously have a different shape and maybe a different course.
We also saw that most of the anarchists resisted the war, unlike the Socialists and the Social Democrats. An exception to the anti-war attitude of the anarchists were some anarchists who tried to influence the whole anarchist movement in favor of the war. Eventually they did not.
To understand this fugitive anarchist tendency, one has to look at the history of anarchy. Until the outbreak of the 1st World. all anarchists were unambiguously identified with the internationalist and anti-militaristic struggle. This is due to Bakunin's past before becoming anarchist (he was a slave nationalist) but also to some controversial movements of important anarchists (with a great influence on the then revolutionary movement) such as the participation of Proudhon in the (democratically elected) government of Napoleon III (Preposier, 2011 and Tzol, 1975). The above events had created some misunderstandings and ideological ambiguities. Notwithstanding the aforementioned anarchist philosophers, there have been internationalists and rebels,
So before the First World War some anarchists had overcome Bakunin's internationalist standards and had chauvinistic views. With the outbreak of the Great War this became more intense. The futurists (most of them because there were exceptions) in Italy are a classic case of anarchopatrians who became after fascists (Botsola and Tistandl 1984). They were certainly not the only ones. However, the fact that some anarchists in Italy easily embraced some fascist-nationalist beliefs demonstrates that before they joined the fascist party, and even then they still had anarchists, they should not have truly internationalist views. Indicative of the ideological ambiguity of the time is that even Mussolini came from a family of anarchists, while in his socialist era he liked anarchist terrorists.
Lastly, the anarchists had a very significant impact on the revolutions brought about by the war. Significant action was in the revolution of Russia, but also in the revolutions and revolts that followed the end of the war (especially in Italy, Hungary, Germany). Thus thousands of anarchists participated in these revolutions, playing an active role, while many also sacrificed their lives for the revolutionary purpose (for example, Ladotun was murdered). Indeed, Italian anarchists participated in the anti-fascist struggles of Italy in 1920-1922 (Staid, 2013). In Spain a few years later (Paz, 2006), CNT-FAI anarchists will fight against Spanish nationalists during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). For years (1917-1939), anarchists found themselves in Europe with nationalists, conservatives, extreme right and fascists. These events altered the anti-communist stance of the anarchists.
As the war and military struggle of the anarchists against fascism and nationalism was taking a dramatic turn, the ideological identity of anarchism became clearer because of some thinkers like Bergman, Goldman and Rocker. For example, I mention the example of Rocker. His book, "Nationalism and Culture," Rooker wrote it in response to nationalism that became the dominant stream at that time in Germany. Nationalism, according to Rokeer, enslaves the individual in the state (Rocker, 1998). This book has had an enormous impact on anarchists.
His general political stance identified (along with other intellectuals, of course) the anarchist movement as completely anti-nationalist and internationalist, thus clearing many misunderstandings that had been created by the life and work of Proudhon, Bakunin and Kropotkin. Whatever the influence of Rocker and other internationalist anarchists, however, the majority of the anarchists from those troubled years of the First World War had a clear stance against the war.
We have already mentioned anarcho-syndicalist CNT but the same applies to all major anti-authoritarian groups and organizations such as the American IWW. But even the most prominent anarchists turned in 1914-1918 against the war. Lautauer, Sorel, Bergman, Emma Golmann, Malatesta (Jol, 1975) are just a few of the examples of well-known and influential anarchists who said no to the war.
The anti-nationalist, anti-racist, anti-militarist and internationalist spirit within the anarchists (though during the First World War was already the most powerful) will become the dominant in the years following the end of the First World War with the result that anarchism is almost synonymous with anti-militarism and anti-vowalism.
In the Second World War, many anarchists fought anti-fascist guerrillas across Europe. These anarchists saw the Second World War as a continuation of the Spanish civil war, that is, as a continuation of the anti-fascist struggle. No matter how historically this choice (that they fought against the Axis forces) seems to have been justified, as World War II is now regarded as a fair war, at least if one is seen by his anti-Nazi party. On the contrary, the First World War seems so unfair and irrational. So the choice of the anarchist minority in favor of the war is still condemned by the anarchist movement.
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Related Link: https://zerogeographic.wordpress.com/historyGreeceWorld War 1Europe