News

Alternative Libertaire AL #296 - Editorial

Anarchist News - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 19:28

from A-Infos

Editorial: Merge to excel
The process initiated between Libertarian Alternative and the Coordination of Anarchist Groups has therefore come to an end. ---- The Libertarian Communist Union was born under the acclamations of the Allier congress. It's a political success and a method. ---- Wanting to avoid stagnation in endless, purposeless discussions, as well as a hasty and ill-controlled merger, AL and CGA co-elaborated a " road map " setting out each stage of discussion, verification, validation, etc. . ---- The general philosophy was: no device negotiations, no deal behind the scenes. Everything had to be put on the table and approved collectively. Eighteen months had been considered sufficient to go around the question, imagine what could be this " merger-overtaking " and culminate in the joint congress of June 2019 which was to pronounce the final decision.

But a mechanism, even well designed, is not everything. Goodwill, the desire to overcome the obstacles to get there have counted for a lot. And the climate of confidence created by the Red and Black Summer Days of July 2018 will undoubtedly have contributed greatly. Without this goodwill on both sides, the process could have repeatedly slipped on unforeseen glitches, each of which could have become a bone of contention. It has not happened.

The bet of the merger has thus prevailed. Which of the overtaking will it be ? It is our action that will decide.

UCL, June 28, 2019

Tags: Francebureaucracymachine translation
Categories: News

Anarchists put Picnic Tables in Park

Anarchist News - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 19:16

from the Lansing State Journal

Anarchist group put picnic tables in Reutter Park and Lansing isn't objecting - for now

LANSING -- An anarchist group called Punks with Lunch that helps the homeless and others less fortunate won't face resistance from city officials for a gesture it made last weekend in a downtown park.

There are no plans to remove four picnic tables group members padlocked to trees in Ruetter Park, Lansing Parks And Recreation Director Brett Kaschinske said.

"They will stay for now," Kaschinske said of the tables, "and we'll see how it works."

Reutter Park is located at the corner of West Kalamazoo Street and South Capitol Avenue, across from the Capital Area District Library.

Kaschinske said the city removed its own picnic tables from the park last year because officials "had concerns about the uses of them" and were aware of a few instances when people using them failed to obey park rules.
A group called Punks with Lunch recently placed four picnic tables in downtown Lansing's Reutter Park. Members locked them to trees. City officials don't have plans to remove them.Buy Photo

A group called Punks with Lunch recently placed four picnic tables in downtown Lansing's Reutter Park. Members locked them to trees. City officials don't have plans to remove them. (Photo: Eric Lacy/Lansing State Journal)

He declined to explain what rules were violated in the park and said he's been in touch with Punks with Lunch members about the group's activities.

The city does provide places to sit in the 3-acre Reutter Park. There are six benches bolted to pavement near the park's centerpiece fountain.

Julia Miller, founder of Punks with Lunch Lansing, said group members spent at least $400 for the four picnic tables and placed them in the park Saturday.

"I’m thankful that (Kaschinske) is allowing them to stay," Miller said. "We did have our concerns about how long they would be there for.”

Miller said she started noticing city-owned picnic tables disappearing from the park during the fall of 2017.
Metro Place is a $25 million housing and retail development planned for the former YMCA site near downtown Lansing's Reutter Park.

Metro Place is a $25 million housing and retail development planned for the former YMCA site near downtown Lansing's Reutter Park. (Photo: Courtesy image)

That motivated the group — with a non-violent, non-hierarchical "no masters, no slaves" approach — to not wait for city officials and get their own tables out there.

“We thought if they aren’t doing it, we’re going to do it for them," Miller said.

Punks with Lunch Lansing was founded by Miller in November 2017 and consists of 15 to 30 people, she said.

The group meets every other Saturday in the park to give clothing, food and bus tokens to homeless and low income residents.

Kaschinske's department oversees the use and maintenance of 111 parks within Lansing's 36 square miles. He said it's not uncommon to remove picnic tables and other city-owned property in parks.
The fountain in downtown Lansing's Reutter Park dates back to 1929. City officials were able to turn the fountain back on this year after crews made some repairs.Buy Photo

The fountain in downtown Lansing's Reutter Park dates back to 1929. City officials were able to turn the fountain back on this year after crews made some repairs. (Photo: Eric Lacy/Lansing State Journal)

Kaschinske said officials are always looking into new ways for visitors to enjoy all city parks and may eventually add new features and attractions to Reutter Park because of renewed interest in that area.

“Basically our mission is to provide things that aren’t otherwise available to Lansing residents," Kaschinske said. "And that goes for anything and everything.”

Construction is underway for a $25 million housing project called Metro Place, near the park's southwest corner.

Metro Place will be located at the site of the former YMCA building at the corner of Townsend and West Lenawee streets.

Plans call for 145 loft-style apartments and almost 7,000 square feet of commercial and retail space.

Tags: doing their job for themcivic dutysocial workgood anarchists
Categories: News

President Trump touts stock market as Dow surpasses 27,000

Citizens for Legitimate Government - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 18:40

President Trump touts stock market as Dow surpasses 27,000 --Dow Jones Industrial Average touches the 27,000 level Thursday morning | 11 July 2019 | The Dow Jones Industrial Average was on the brink of claiming a thousand-point milestone for the first time since January 2018, ending the longest period without crossing such a psychologically significant level since the blue-chip benchmark crossed the 19,000 threshold three weeks after Donald Trump was elected president in November 2016. In early Thursday action, the Dow hit its intraday peak of 27,007.86. If the Dow manages to close above 27,000, 372 trading sessions would have passed between its last initial finish at or above a round-number milestone at 26,000 back on Jan. 17.

Categories: News

Call for Week of Agitation for Miguel Peralta

Anarchist News - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 18:38

from It's Going Down

July 9th 2019

English:

This past October 26th, 2018, the then judge Juan León Montiel of the Mixed District Court of Huautla de Jiménez, Oaxaca, sentenced our compañero Miguel Ángel Peralta to 50 years in prison with a $151,134.90 peso fine. On October 29th of that same year, an appeal was filed against this sentence. The appeal should have been resolved in three months in the Supreme Court of Justice of the State of Oaxaca.

However, after nine months, on July 8th, 2019, Miguel’s lawyers were finally notified of the resolution. The ruling of the appeal was decided on by Judge Arturo León de la Vega, president of the Third Criminal Chamber of the aforementioned court. In this resolution, our compañero was again denied his freedom. Rather, his legal case will be returned to the court in Huautla de Jiménez, Oaxaca.

Judge Arturo León Vega ignored evidence that shows Miguel is not responsible for the crimes of which he is accused (homicide and attempted homicide). Instead, the judge returned the file (02/2015) to the court where Miguel was originally sentenced. The judge made this decision in light of having the legal capacity to free Miguel. These decisions again show that this legal process is filled with irregularities. Neither the court of Oaxaca nor the court of Huautla have impeded these irregularities. Rather, they have continued them, lengthening legal times and failing to deeply analyze the contradictions and inconsistencies of the case.

Faced with this disparaging and absurd panorama, we worry that the political and economic power of the cacique Zepeda family from Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón continues to have an impact on the legal rulings being made in Miguel’s case. We are particularly concerned with the political influence of local representative of MORENA Elisa Zepeda Lagunas. For over four years that Miguel has been incarcerated, it has been demonstrated on countless occasions that the accusations against him are fabricated. The absurdity is ever clearer with the same courts (tribunal in Oaxaca and court in Huautla) having cast aside the same criminal case, for being inconsistent and contradictory, resulting in freedom of seven other political prisoners from Eloxochitlán.

We make a call for solidarity, against this ruling and to demand that all of the courts involved do not delay any longer in freeing Miguel. We call for a week of agitation #SkandaloContraelEncierro July 22-28, to repudiate the prison institutions and to show our solidarity with our imprisoned comrades, from your own spaces and according to your own forms.

Share your #SkandaloContraelEncierro and send it to:

solidaridadelox@gmail.com

FB: Miguel Peralta Libre

Prisoners to the streets or everything will explode!

Solidarity Group for the Freedom of Miguel Peralta

Español:

Repudiamos la resolución de apelación contra nuestro compañero Miguel Ángel Peralta Betanzos

Actualización de su situación jurídica: llamado a la solidaridad

El pasado 26 de octubre de 2018 el entonces juez Juan León Montiel, del Juzgado Mixto de Huautla de Jiménez, Oaxaca, dictó una sentencia condenatoria de 50 años y una reparación del daño por $151, 134.90 m/n a nuestro compañero Miguel Ángel Peralta. El 29 de octubre de ese mismo año, se interpuso el recurso de apelación en contra de dicha sentencia, misma que debería resolverse en tres meses en el Tribunal Superior de Justicia del Estado de Oaxaca.

Sin embargo, después de un entorpecido periodo de nueve meses, el 8 de julio de 2019 los abogados de Miguel, fueron notificados de la resolución de la apelación, la cual estuvo a cargo del magistrado Arturo León de la Vega presidente de la Tercera Sala Penal del Tribunal mencionado. En dicha resolución, de nueva cuenta, le fue negada la libertad a nuestro compañero, ya que el magistrado, decidió reponer el procedimiento, lo cual implica que el expediente será devuelto al Juzgado de Huautla de Jiménez, manteniendo a Miguel más tiempo en prisión.

El magistrado Arturo León de la Vega, ignoró las pruebas que demuestran que Miguel no tiene responsabilidad alguna en los dos delitos por los que ha sido acusado (Homicidio calificado y Tentativa de Homicidio), y en cambio, regresa el expediente de la causa penal 02/2015, a la instancia donde se le condenó a 50 años de prisión, a pesar de tener las herramientas jurídicas necesarias para dejar a Miguel en libertad. Lo cual es una muestra más de que el proceso de nuestro compañero continua viciado, ya que tanto el Tribunal de Oaxaca, como el Juzgado de Huautla, lo han entorpecido, al alargar los tiempos jurídicos y al ser omisos en analizar con profundidad las contradicciones e inconsistencias del expediente.

Ante este desfavorable y absurdo panorama, vemos con preocupación que el poder político y económico de la familia de caciques Zepeda, del municipio mazateco de Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón, principalmente de la diputada local por MORENA Elisa Zepeda Lagunas, quien ha manipulado a través de mentiras a la opinión pública y a diversas instituciones gubernamentales, siga incidiendo en las resoluciones jurídicas del caso de Miguel, aunque a lo largo de los cuatro años que lleva encerrado, se ha demostrado que las acusaciones que lo mantienen preso son fabricadas, e incluso han sido desechadas por estas mismas instancias (Tribunal y Juzgado de Huautla), en la misma causa penal, al ser inconsistentes y contradictorias, dejando en libertad a 7 personas más.

Por lo que nuevamente hacemos un llamado a manifestarnos en contra de esta resolución y exigir a todas las instancias involucradas que no alarguen más los tiempos jurídicos para que Miguel pueda obtener su libertad. Les convocamos a la Jornada de Agitación #SkandaloContraelEncierro del 22 al 28 de julio, para repudiar las instituciones carcelarias y solidarizarse con nuestrxs compas presxs, desde su propios espacios y formas.

¡Haz pública tu #SkandaloContraelEncierro y compártelo a:

solidaridadelox@gmail.com

Fb: MiguelPeraltaLibre

¡Presxs a la calle o que todo estalle!

Grupo Solidario por la libertad de Miguel Peralta

Tags: solidarityanarchist prisoneranarchists in trouble
Categories: News

Judiciary issues blitz of subpoenas for Kushner, Sessions, Trump associates

Citizens for Legitimate Government - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 18:05

Judiciary issues blitz of subpoenas for Kushner, Sessions, Trump associates | 11 July 2019 | The House Judiciary Committee voted along party lines Thursday to authorize subpoenas for documents and testimony from a dozen current and former Trump administration officials and associates related to the panel's investigation into alleged obstruction of justice by President Trump. The committee also voted to authorize subpoenas for documents and testimony related to the Trump administration's immigration policies... The committee approved the resolution authorizing the slew of subpoenas in a 21-12 vote after a contentious markup Thursday, during which Republicans and Democrats sparred over the setup of former special counsel Robert Mueller's impending testimony and the immigration crisis.

Categories: News

US-made missiles found at base used by Libyan 'rebels' to attack Tripoli are ours, France admits

Citizens for Legitimate Government - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 17:50

US-made missiles found at base used by Libyan 'rebels' to attack Tripoli are ours, France admits | 10 July 2019 | France on Wednesday admitted that it is the owner of American-made anti-tank missiles found at a rebel terrorist military base in Libya, raising awkward questions about European involvement in the [Deep State-imposed] civil war. France's Army Ministry said the four Javelin missiles discovered at a base used by General Khalifa Haftar's Libyan National Army were intended for "self-protection of a French military unit deployed to carry out intelligence and counter-terrorism operations." Chinese-made shells with United Arab Emirates markings were also discovered.

Categories: News

The book "Venezuelan Anarchism: The History of a Movement" is now available in English

Anarchist News - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 17:04

From El Libertario (Spanish language PDF at the end)
Redacción
 

Venezuelan Anarchism: The History of a Movement covers Venezuelan anarchism and its partisans from the first appearance of anarchist ideas in the period prior to independence through today. Venezuelan political histories have focused almost exclusively upon the various Venezuelan governments and political parties. Venezuelan Anarchism shifts the focus to those opposed to those governments and political parties, those who until now have been nearly forgotten. The book also explains in some detail their ideas, publications, and actions in opposition to Venezuela's ruling political elites and, more recently, Venezuela's authoritarian populists.


About the Author

Rodolfo Montes de Oca is a Venezuelan attorney, human rights activist, editor, and historian, whose work has focused on social movements. He has worked on several Venezuelan anarchist periodicals including Samizdat and Tribune of the People, and has been a member of Venezuela's primary anarchist publication, the bimonthly El Libertario, since 2002. He has also edited two books published in Spanish: Promtheus and Tantalus: Sketches of historical figures and anecdotes relating to the Greek anarchist movement, and Reflections on Prisons.

The See Sharp Press, publisher of this book, said: 

<<It should be of major interest to those interested in anarchist history and also to those interested in the history of Venezuela. Both Venezuelan Anarchism and our previous Venezuela title, Venezuela: Revolution as Spectacle, by Rafael Uzcátegui, provide essential background information for anyone who wants to understand the current political situation in that tortured land. Daniel Barret, author of Los sediciosos despertares de la Anarquia (Anarchy’s Seditious Awakenings) has this to say of the book: “Rodolfo Montes de Oca has unearthed an unknown history. He shows the arc of Venezuelan anarchism from its most distant antecedents to the contemporary. It’s an ambitious examination that can only be compared to Frank Fernández’s Cuban Anarchism: The History of a Movement.”>>

ISBN-10: 1937276988   //   ISBN-13: 978-1937276980

Dimensions: 6 x 0.5 x 9 inches. Shipping Weight: 10.4 ounces. 224 pages.

How buy this book: see http://www.seesharppress.com/books1.html
[Nota final de El Libertario: Para descargar el .pdf de la versión en castellano de este libro, ir a http://humanoderecho.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/libro2016_2.pdf] Tags: VenezuelaEl Libertario
Categories: News

Public-Common Partnerships: Building New Circuits of Collective Ownership

Grassroots Economic Survival - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 16:55
Link: Public-Common Partnerships: Building New Circuits of Collective Ownership

Drawing on partial examples such as the co-owned energy company in Wolfhagen, Germany, we provide an outline of what we call a Public-Common Partnership (PCP). PCPs offer an alternative institutional design that moves us beyond the overly simplistic binary of market/state. Instead, they involve co-ownership between appropriate state authorities and a Commoners Association, alongside co-combined governance with a third association of project specific relevant parties such as trade unions and relevant experts. Rather than a mono-cultural institutional form applied indiscriminately PCPs should emerge as an overlapping patchwork of institutions that respond to the peculiarities of the asset concerned, the scale at which the PCP will operate (whether it be city-region wide energy production in Greater Manchester or the commercial activity of a North London market), and the individuals and communities that will act together as commoners.

PCPs can help address challenges of political risk and economic cost, enabling more innovative and “risky” initiatives. However their real strength comes from setting in motion a self-expanding circuit of radical democratic self-governance. The aim of this circuit is to bypass the need for private financing and sidestep the mechanisms through which finance capital exercises its discipline and structures the economy. PCPs will function as a “training in democracy” and help foster a new common-sense understanding of how we relate to one another. They are a method for “taking back control” of the infrastructures and resources that underpin our collective well-being – from food markets to water basins – while increasing our collective ability to fight for the wider structural changes in our society and economy that are so urgently needed – from a reduction in the working week to the implementation of a comprehensive Green New Deal.

Read the rest at the P2P Foundation blog

 

Go to the GEO front page

Categories: News

Was Jeffrey Epstein a SPY? Alex Acosta won't deny he made non-prosecution deal with pedophile in 2007 because he was told the financier 'belonged to intelligence'

Citizens for Legitimate Government - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 03:36

Was Jeffrey Epstein a SPY? Alex Acosta won't deny he made non-prosecution deal with pedophile in 2007 because he was told the financier 'belonged to intelligence' --Asked point-blank if he was ever told Epstein was an intelligence agent, Acosta bobbed and weaved --He wouldn't confirm or deny anything but cautioned about reporters 'going down rabbit holes' | 10 July 2019 | Secretary of Labor Alex Acosta avoided on Wednesday answering a reporter's question about whether he consented to a lenient plea deal for pedophile Jeffrey Epstein in 2007 because he was instructed that the financier was a spy. According to The Daily Beast, when President Donald Trump's transition team vetted Acosta for the top Labor Department post, he was asked about the deal and replied that he had 'been told' to go easy. Acosta, in one source's telling, said he 'was told Epstein "belonged to intelligence" and to leave it alone.' In a press conference Wednesday afternoon, he dodged a pointed question about whether that version of events was true. 'Were you ever made aware at any point in your handling of this case,' a reporter asked Acosta, 'that Mr. Epstein was an intelligence asset of some sort?' Acosta neither confirmed nor denied it.

Categories: News

Murphy wins North Carolina GOP congressional primary runoff

Citizens for Legitimate Government - Thu, 07/11/2019 - 02:36

Murphy wins North Carolina GOP congressional primary runoff | 09 July 2019 | A state legislator aided by hardline conservatives on Capitol Hill won the Republican nomination Tuesday for the North Carolina congressional district seat left vacant by the death of Rep. Walter Jones Jr. Voters in the 3rd District GOP primary runoff chose state Rep. Greg Murphy of Greenville over Kinston pediatrician Joan Perry, a first-time candidate...[With 98 percent of precincts reporting, Murphy had won 60 percent to Perry's 40 percent.] They were the top vote-getters in the 17-candidate party primary in April, with Murphy finishing first but falling short of the threshold to avoid a runoff. Murphy's victory is a win for the House Freedom Caucus and for its chairman, Rep. Mark Meadows of North Carolina, a close ally of Trump in Congress.

Categories: News

Kids in cages: House Dems scrub tweet with photo of Obama-era detention center used to attack Trump

Citizens for Legitimate Government - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 22:21

Kids in cages: House Dems scrub tweet with photo of Obama-era detention center used to attack Trump | 10 July 2019 | House Democrats have erased a tweet promoting a hearing on the effects of President Trump's border policies on children after finding out they used a photo depicting a migrant detention center under President Obama's watch. The tweet was posted in anticipation of a hearing scheduled for Wednesday afternoon, dubbed 'Kids in Cages: Inhumane Treatment at the Border,' and included a dramatic photo backdrop displaying the dismal conditions at US migrant detention facilities -- but it was soon deleted after conservative critics pointed out the origins of the image. The congressional Democrats then had another go at it, but their alternative photo choice, much to the lawmakers' immediate embarrassment, was also taken while President Obama was still in office. The second tweet was deleted in record time and replaced with nothing, as apparently the many thousands of up-to-date photos of the detention centers fail to convey the same sense of horror as the Obama-era images.

Categories: News

Co-operative farms: past, present, and future

Grassroots Economic Survival - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 20:25
Link: Co-operative farms: past, present, and future

The Glen Valley Organic Farm is a community service (ie. non-profit) co-op with around 50 members. Most of these members have purchased shares in the farm but don’t want to be farmers themselves: they just want to support small-scale local agriculture.

People become co-op members by purchasing one $5,000 share. The co-op is run by a board made up of members, including the farm’s business owners, giving them an active role in making decisions about the land.

“The one thing that’s interesting about the model is it’s the land and the assets on the land that are owned by the co-op, and us as farmers run our own businesses,” Bodnar said. “We lease the land from the co-op, but in order to be a tenant on the land we need to be a member of the co-op.

That provides us security in that decisions aren’t made by the co-op that impact us without our knowledge of what’s going on, and the actual intent of the people who are part of the co-op is to support people who want to farm on the property. Provided that we’re operating businesses that support the mission and vision of the co-op it’s a really good fit. So it provides us with long-term security on the land in housing, and at the same time we didn’t need massive capital or a mortgage to put into it.”

Read the rest at Co-operatives First

 

Go to the GEO front page

Categories: News

Love and Power: The Ballad of Oso Blanco Revisited

It's Goin Down - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 20:14

The post Love and Power: The Ballad of Oso Blanco Revisited appeared first on It's Going Down.

“It’s a long way to Nottinghamshire,
Or to Chiapas, Mexico,
But you can’t tell me that Robin Hood ain’t real
Since the Feds caught up with Oso Blanco!”
– The Martyr Index, “Oso Blanco”

“I hope to inspire people to have courage beyond their daily understanding. As we truly have endless love and power within.”
– Letter from Oso Blanco, 6/4/2019

by Clayton P

Official sources say that Oso Blanco, to whom the State refers by his birth name, Byron Shane Chubbuck, is responsible for about 20 bank robberies from 1998-1999, all undertaken for the express purpose of aiding the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional/Zapatista National Liberation Army) in Chiapas. Oso Blanco himself puts the number of “robberies” at closer to 50.

“The bankers got bailed out. Oso Blanco went to prison.”

There’s a satisfying symmetry—I won’t call it poetic justice—in using money from banks to fund revolutionary struggle. Banks are in the business of burying people’s hopes and of destroying their dreams. But the goals of freedom-fighters like the Zapatistas—and like Oso Blanco himself—are to keep hope alive, to nurture the revolutionary dream of a world free from oppression and exploitation. There’s also a crucial difference between pilfering money for selfish interests—be it lining your own pockets or placating shareholders—and expropriating funds necessary to aid in revolutionary societal transformation. The bankers did the former. Oso Blanco did the latter. The bankers got bailed out. Oso Blanco went to prison.

To the Feds, and to local law enforcement, Oso Blanco was never anything more than another greedy, power-hungry thug with a chip on his shoulder and an axe to grind. Grudgingly bestowing upon him, doubtless with no small amount of derisive irony, the moniker “Robin the Hood,” official accounts of Oso Blanco’s actions are designed to make the public question if the funds he expropriated ever made their way to Chiapas.

With the mainstream media’s eagerly proffered support of their lies, the Feds and their pals have painted Oso Blanco as a vain, charismatic, and dangerously manipulative hustler. To hear them tell it, he’s an odd combination of Jim Jones and Scar Face with a dash of Che Guevara for flavor. Even the more sympathetic media accounts paint him as little more than a short-sighted victim of his own inability to lead an honest life and obscure his political motives behind the foggy rhetoric of personal responsibility. While such accounts do provide a brief glimpse into Oso Blanco’s humanity, citing things like his short-lived recording career or his love and talent for art and poetry (he published a book of verse in 2011), they’re predictably heavy on the pathos and light on the politics.

Oso Blanco, above all else, defines himself as a warrior and as a spiritual man who puts all faith in the Creator and for whom indigenous spirituality is paramount. He is a proud sovereign citizen of the Cherokee Nation who is a direct descendant of high-ranking Cherokee War Woman Nanyehi Ward. Among his relatives may be found the leader Dragging Canoe, remembered for leading successful armed opposition to settler-colonialist expansion that European historians would call The Battle of Lookout Mountain. A burning sense of justice and a legacy of militant anti-colonial resistance runs through Oso Blanco’s veins.

This could be partially why, after his initial arrest, he freed himself from State custody and, following a short meal in a motel, went right back to expropriating funds for his comrades in Chiapas in their fight against a tyrannical government. He also made a point of calling a local radio station to challenge the prevailing narrative about his actions and to report on the foul and abusive conditions he experienced and saw there. Even after he was arrested again and sentenced to an additional 40 years of hard time, bringing his total sentence to 80 years, he remained resolute. “I will not be broken in my determination and willpower,” he vowed after he was recaptured, promising that he would continue to support EZLN rebels while “smacking the federal government across their face of hypocrisy.”

This disdain for hypocrisy and dishonesty, though perhaps counter-intuitive to those who are content to dismiss him as another “run-of-the-mill criminal” (whatever that means), is one source of the sincerity that Oso Blanco carries into every personal interaction. A large part of what draws people to him is a combination of honesty with a strong depth of conviction. The past that the mainstream media and the State have flaunted (in their predictable attempts to vilify another revolutionary) is one that Oso Blanco has never denied having. What prevailing accounts also ignore is Oso Blanco’s persistent urge to do genuine good, like supporting Project Share, a local houseless shelter, after he caught his first federal case at the age of 31.

Oso Blanco artwork

His time there was a condition of his parole, but others involved with the project say he went above and beyond in his work there. Cathy Blanco (no relation), then the direct of the project, is a person who, to this day, Oso Blanco credits with always pushing him to do what he knew was right, and to never stop helping people. He talks openly about that first case and about his time in prison, and about his gang activity before and after. He also talks openly about his own drug use, and his involvement in drug manufacturing and trafficking. He describes this period in his life as his leaving “the good path of helping others” to walk instead a “Path of Death.” It was from this Path of Death, insists Oso Blanco, that the Zapatistas saved him shortly after he first became aware of their activities.

That was in Albuquerque, back in 1997. He was watching a protest against human rights violations in Chiapas. A woman who he calls “Gloria” noticed his eagle feather tattoo, and the conversation quickly turned from indigenous struggle in the US to the Zapatistas’ work in rural Mexico. She gave him her card and they parted ways. A year later, Oso Blanco was in Guatemala City looking to score two drums of ephedrine to manufacture methamphetamine. Gloria was there, too, looking to purchase supplies to take to the Zapatistas. Oso Blanco gave her the cash she needed, rented a truck to carry the supplies, and helped to deliver them. He left with only a single drum of ephedrine, and with having seen firsthand the work that the Zapatistas were doing for the people. “When I completely realized those EZLN warriors were not playing games,” he says, “I went ALL IN!” And there’s no denying that’s exactly what Oso Blanco did.

Back in New Mexico, things really began to change. Oso Blanco, then the jefe of a local gang, began instructing his members to give back to their hood, and encouraged them to support, protect, and defend it and the people living there. “Siempre con honor”—always with honor—became the primary driving principle for most of the crew’s members. It was also around that time that Oso Blanco began knocking over banks, expropriating the cash and using the bulk of it to buy necessary supplies to send to Chiapas, setting some aside to support his growing family and to invest in local neighborhood support projects. He would also routinely send plates, napkins, and food to Project Share when the shelter was struggling to keep houseless people fed. And according to the tellers, and to Oso Blanco, each bank job took place in the same way. He never used a gun, and was always polite when asking for the cash, which he also told bank employees would be going to support poor and starving children—referring, of course, to the Zapatistas’ numerous local projects (from thence came Oso Blanco’s sobriquet of “Robin the Hood”).

Oso Blanco and other First Nations inmates at USP Victorville are having a difficult time accessing items needed for sweat ceremonies. Today, the ABCF-OC and the John Brown Prisoner Solidarity Project shipped 9 pounds lava rocks and sage for use by indigenous inmates held there. pic.twitter.com/lTu7S0LBiF

— Anarchist Black Cross Of Orange County (@abcfoc) June 12, 2019

Among the goods sent to Chiapas were batteries, cell phones, books, military surplus and equestrian gear, fabric dye, vitamins, and antibiotics. Some friends of his who owned a trucking company agreed to help transport the goods. It’s impossible to estimate the total cash value of the supplies, or the amount of the supplies, sent. But the one thing that is for certain is that Oso Blanco would do it all again without hesitation.

Oso Blanco’s personal and political commitments have not wavered, even though the State has done everything it can to break his spirit and silence his voice. As if trying to bury him under an 80-year sentence wasn’t enough, in the initial 17 months he was incarcerated, jail staff gassed, beat, and otherwise abused him on an almost routine basis. It was this routine abuse that Oso Blanco says drove him to escape. While incarcerated at USP Leavenworth, Oso Blanco was denied his right to attend sweat ceremonies with other First Nations inmates until persistent pressure on the prison bosses, coming from inside and outside the walls, derailed the State’s attempt at targeted ethnocide.

“In a recent letter from 2019, Oso Blanco briefly discusses being attacked, at times, by as many as 8 guards at once in the SMU (Special Management Unit), and being left in tightly fastened restraints for an excess of 80 hours at a time…”

In a recent letter from 2019, Oso Blanco briefly discusses being attacked, at times, by as many as 8 guards at once in the SMU (Special Management Unit), and being left in tightly fastened restraints for an excess of 80 hours at a time, which has resulted in permanent neurological damage. In other correspondence he has discussed routine denial of medical care and efforts to frustrate his correspondence with friends, family, and loved ones on the outside as punishment for his refusal to relinquish his identity and submit to State control.

But Oso Blanco does not want pity, nor does he want to be idolized or revered. An anarchist since 1982, he has no interest in being the object of hero worship. “We are [all] heroes,” he insists, “who can help many, many people.” All we need to do is awaken to our own abilities. “We need only to use our energies in positive ways. And focus clearly, for our potential is endless, amazing.” And this, says Oso Blanco elsewhere, “is the true source of revolution: to [achieve] higher consciousness and to keep it.”  He wants his story told, not to build his fan-base, but to build revolutionary struggle. For him, his life’s story is proof that it is possible for people to rise above the baser aspects of their nature that capitalism nurtures. He’s been the subject of songs, news articles, and of National Lawyers Guild resolutions in support of political prisoners.

He’ll spend the rest of his life with half a 9MM round lodged in his cheekbone, and he’s got scars on his torso that mark where Feds shot him in the back. It’s easy to read Oso Blanco as an enigma. And, in some ways, he is. This is, in part, because his attitudes and actions cannot be made sense of using the narrow, binary illogic of the capitalist system. Understanding revolutionary action requires breaking with that logic. What’s important to Oso Blanco is that people see that undertaking revolutionary action requires the same thing.

Really, Oso Blanco is no different than we are: he is a person who, recognizing the harmful and problematic behaviors and beliefs that the system encouraged in him, has always strived to transcend those limitations. His story reminds us that we cannot transform society without transforming ourselves. To see Oso Blanco as a singularity is to ignore that we all have a tremendous capacity to achieve radical personal, and societal, transformation—which is exactly what the ruling class wants us to ignore. They want us feeling afraid and isolated, insecure and unaware. Oso Blanco was imprisoned because, when he fought for the Zapatistas, he was also fighting for all of us, and we could very easily find ourselves in his place. There may come a time when the State decides to make any one of us into an example. So, save the ballads and songs, the laurels and the accolades. Like his words and actions suggest, lets show support for Oso Blanco by working collectively to make our daily lives the stuff that revolutionary remembrances are made of. Let’s build struggle however we can, wherever we are—and don’t forget our comrades behind the walls. After all, all we really have is each other.

To find out more about Oso Blanco, his case, his art and work, and how to write to him, check out his support website here. If you have any questions, or would like to find out more about how to get involved, please contact:

The John Brown Prisoner Solidarity Project: JBPSP@protonmail.com
You can also follow the JBPSP on Facebook.

Contact the Anarchist Black Cross Federation of Orange County at: abcfoc@disroot.org
You can also follow ABCF-OC on Twitter here.

Categories: News

New Book: "Communes in America, 1975-2000"

Grassroots Economic Survival - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 19:35
Link: KU religious studies professor finishes trilogy with book about contemporary communes

A University of Kansas professor describes the benefits of communal societies and their status in his new book, "Communes in America, 1975-2000," which completes his trilogy on the subject.

Timothy Miller, religious studies professor, explains in his recently published book, that communes, or a relatively small group of people living together and sharing possession and responsibilities, still thrive in the 21st century, despite public perception.

“The early waves essentially crested and declined, although not as much as you might think. There’s a lot of them still out there today,” Miller said.

Read the rest at The University Daily Kansan

 

Go to the GEO front page

Categories: News

Montreal: A Reportback from a Demo in the Village

It's Goin Down - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 19:01

The post Montreal: A Reportback from a Demo in the Village appeared first on It's Going Down.

Report back from solidarity demonstration in Montreal’s Gay Village with queer anarchists facing repression for defending Pride from far-Right attacks.

On Tuesday, June 25, 2019, anarchists in Hamilton issued the call for a day of action on Friday, June 28, in support of those who had recently attempted to isolate and frustrate anti-queer and anti-trans protesters using a large sheet of black fabric (dubbed “the Black Hole” in the reportback), a number of whom had white supremacist affiliations, during Hamilton Pride 2019 on June 15, and in support of those who have been caught up in the subsequent repression wave.

Thus, on Friday evening, I attended a demo in Montréal’s Gay Village that a number of anarchists, including friends of Cedar (the first person arrested, on Saturday, June 22) and other anarchists affected by the repression in Hamilton, swiftly organized in the short amount of time between Tuesday and Friday. I wasn’t meaningfully involved in the organizing myself, although I had an opportunity to be. My intention with this text is to offer some critical comments about different aspects of the demo to other anarchists in Montréal – which is a project I feel a little fucked-up about, actually.

I’ve heard that several people who were involved in the organizing had a slightly different vision of how the demo would turn out, and they were disappointed with the final outcome, in one way or another. This doesn’t mean that they regret doing it, though, and to the extent that some of what I have written below is unfair, incorrect, or something that these folks know already (i.e. they didn’t need it to be pointed out to them), what I am writing might come off as shitty.

People are stressed out and worried. Cedar has been in the Barton jail for seven nights tonight, on hunger strike. As I write, two other people are in jail too, also arrested Friday. The two other anarchists arrested earlier in the week have upcoming court dates. This is just what has been written about on the internet, by comrades and journalists, but obviously there are other things happening too, and threats of further arrests in the future. The situation obviously demands that we act, but we also need to act intelligently, in order to help prevent the legal-punitive system of Canada from taking away our friends. These comments aren’t aimed at making anyone feel like an idiot for anything that happened on Friday or in the very short window of time beforehand when it was organized, but instead, to contribute usefully to our shared project of helping our friends in Hamilton.

As anarchists in Montréal, we are distant from the events in Hamilton. Some of us aren’t so distant emotionally, but all of us are half a day’s drive away. There are only certain things it make sense for us to do. Non-exhaustively, these include doing things that boost the morale of friends in Hamilton (including aesthetic interventions in public space, posted to Instagram or shared on Signal or whatever), raising money for legal defense and other forms of support for people who are losing assets, jobs, and homes (in some cases, for the second or third or fourth time in the last year), and finally, actually putting pressure on institutions with power in the city of Hamilton, which is a tricky thing to do from a distance, and which requires sustained and well-conceived action towards a useful goal.

But first, for the benefit of comrades in other places (especially Hamilton) and for those who weren’t there, a quick summary of Friday evening.

THE DEMO

The demo began at the east end of the Gay Village, outside of Papineau station. Several dozen people were in attendance. There was a sound system in a cart, a large number of flyers in French and English to distribute, and most people were wearing pink masks, as did many of the Pride defenders in Gage Park on June 15. There was a small speech, and then we starting marching west long rue Sainte-Catherine, transformed into a pedestrian promenade for the summer. Tall sticks with coloured smoke bombs were lit shortly after we got moving, and we probably looked pretty cool, because that’s what coloured smoke does. Near the intersection of rue Plessis, we found an unused electrical plug, which was great, because the battery for our sound system wasn’t acting reliably.

When we got to the corner of rues Sainte-Catherine and Amherst (the latter of these streets will be renamed rue Atataken by the end of the summer), we remained for – this is a guess – ten to fifteen minutes, mostly listening to a speech that was delivered first in French, then in English. Afterwards, we marched back east. There were two cops standing outside a cruiser at one of the north-south intersections that intersects the pedestrian promenade, but we walked past them. They followed us to the nice spot we had found near the intersection with rue Plessis, where we plugged the sound system in again and proceed to have a nice little dance party. Unfortunately, Michel Meunier (aka Micky Mike, among other aliases), a white supremacist activist associated with Storm Alliance among other groups, happened to be sitting down on the adjacent terrasse of a Vietnamese restaurant, and he started filming us with his smartphone. Some people didn’t feel great about this, and led to some people taking their banners over to the terrasse in order to block his camera.

After some time, we continued further east. The cops had blocked off on traffic on rue Papineau in anticipation of our arrival. We turned back up to the plaza behind the métro station. I believe there were a few more cheers at the end, but I left at this time.

ABOUT CEDAR

Hero worship is bad. It’s bad even if the target of that worship is a genuinely good person, which is obviously how a lot of us think about Cedar.

Most people don’t know Cedar, and never will. Unfortunately, for them, Cedar is nothing but a mirage constructed from news articles, talk radio, YouTubers, snippets of politicians’ speeches, and official truths first announced to the public at Hamilton Police Service press conferences, then repeated, rarely with any investigation whatsoever, by journalists and Redditors. Of course, this is more true in Hamilton than it is in Montréal, where many people don’t even know where Hamilton is. Hamilton might as well be Saint Louis, Iqaluit, or Wellington, New Zealand.

There are good reasons to mention Cedar specifically, as I am doing in this article. First of all, Cedar’s name has already been released everywhere, and Cedar also faces at least one specific problem that is worth publicizing and challenging. I am not referring to the question of whether or not Cedar was present or absent in Gage Park on June 15 – because, thanks to the police department’s ability to dictate truth, it is a question. Instead, I am referring to the fact that, in 2018, Cedar was presented as the ringleader behind the March 3 action on Locke Street, as well as the operator of the Tower, Hamilton’s anarchist social centre. This idea needs to be challenged, and not just for Cedar’s personal sake. It’s a slander about anarchists, presenting us as just another cult with a single charismatic leader.

Our solidarity demo in Montréal mentioned Cedar by name a lot. At the conclusion of speeches near the rue Amherst intersection, there were cries of Free Cedar! and Liberté pour Cedar! This makes sense, because a lot of us in Montréal know Cedar personally. But, I think we also needed to mention the other two people in jail, or any of the other people who were actually present in Gage Park on June 15, who erected and defended the Black Hole in order to shield the attendees of Pride Hamilton from the haters’ annoying-as-fuck vitriol, and who took a few blows as a result of their efforts. Their names aren’t widely publicized – and that’s definitely a good thing! – but this is about them, too.

I haven’t been in touch since before last Saturday, but I assume it’s still true that Cedar doesn’t want to be turned into a public figure. Obviously, to some degree, this sort of thing is out of their control, but in our public discourse and our own thinking, we would do well to avoid what the comrades in Latin America call presismo, or “prisonerism”. The struggle as a whole, and not any one person, should be front and center in our expressions of solidarity, and we should do what we can to remind people of something that most people already know, namely that no one needs a ringleader to do the right thing or get into trouble, and that no single operator is responsible for a collective project as large and as long-lived as the Tower.

ABOUT MONTRÉAL’S GAY VILLAGE

Hamilton had its own demo on Friday evening. From what I can tell, the basic idea seems to have been very similar to our solidarity demo in Montréal, but the execution was more effective. The crowd gathered at Gore Park (a large plaza at the centre of downtown Hamilton, and not to be confused with Gage Park, a much larger green area several kilometres to the east) sometime in the evening, probably as we were gathering near Papineau station. In Montréal terms, Gore Park and the surrounding area is a bit likeeither Square Victoria or Place du Canada in terms of its centrality to the city, the wideness of the adjacent streets, the height of the buildings, and the general vibe on a Friday night. After a march around the downtown area, they returned to the intersection of King Street and James Street, adjacent to Gore Park, and had what looks to have been a spirited dance party in the middle street, with coloured smoke and music, that according to The Spectator, lasted for 15 minutes. It’s likely that hundreds of Hamiltonians witnessed or encountered the demo at some point, which had about 100 people participating, according to The Hamilton Spectator’s report.

Our demo in Montréal also had coloured smoke, a sound system, and a stated intention to have a dance party in the streets, but we did it in the Village, an environment with no real equivalent in Hamilton, at least as far as I know. At this time of year, the main east-west street in the Village is thronged with pedestrians, made narrower than is usual is by the abundance of terrasses that bars and cafés have been built, and also littered with giant flower pots, artists’ tents, and other things paid for by the local business association. Although we were only about 30 people, our presence on the street often impeded east-west traffic, especially for people on mobility scooters.

Impeding traffic goes with the territory of street demos, and I often have complicated feelings about it. There’s a larger conversation to be had about that.Of course, if our demo had been bigger and cooler, as it was in Hamilton, I would also feel differently. In that city, too, lots of people know what a Free Cedar rally is about; whether or not they support the cause, they recognize it. In Montréal, they absolutely don’t.

Montréal is a bilingual city, but there actually a lot of people who don’t speak English or who don’t speak it well, who won’t catch the message of English-language chants, and who won’t appreciate English-language banners – especially among the older francophones who were, in my estimation, the majority of people in the Village on Friday. People were calling for translations of slogans from terrasses, and I caught wind of a muttered “en français câlisse” more than once. In more ways than one, and certainly even in translation, our demo read hella anglo – especially once we ran out of flyers, and people had to chat with us to find out was happening. One fellow asked me if we were a group based at Concordia University.

Inasmuch as anyone living in Montréal, and not already deeply invested in the same things we are, is going to care about people they don’t know arrested in an antifa-style action somewhere on the far side of Toronto, it makes sense to think that they might be hanging out in the gay part of town. But if we want to do more solidarity actions in the future, we shouldn’t take for granted that we should do it again in the Village, at least not without answers to certain strategic questions.

First of all, how can we communicate effectively to people in the Gay Village, or anywhere else? This isn’t just about the language issue I already mentioned, because that’s a shitty thing to focus in on in particular (shaming or guilting other people about their language proficiencies is ableist, classist, and doesn’t do anything to improve anyone’s French whatsoever). It’s also about whether we chant A – Anti – Anti-capitaliste! or slogans against police, whether or not we our flyer has the word « Ontario » in « guillemets », whether or not we respect the rules of the road (shout out to when we just marched into avenue Papineau on a red light, near the beginning of the demo), and whether or not our mostly 20-and 30-something ectomorphic selves wear pink masks and cute outfits and eyeshadow and slowly sway in the street to young person music. Personally, I love publicly swaying to young person music and I thought a bunch of you looked hot, but for a lot of other folks, I suspect we collectively came off as conceited, cultish, and weird.

I believe a more multigenerational demo with a better capacity to communicate in French would go a long way to addressing this problem if there’s ever a next time. That’s easier said than done, of course!

The second question is whether or not the Gay Village is the best place for us to go in the first place, at least for a demo like this. Many of us, and that includesmy gay ass, have no special connection to that particular part of the city. We don’t live there, work there, or hang out there. The Village is an environment built around the desires and aggregate consumer behaviour of higher-income members of the LGBT community, be they tourists, condo dwellers, or café drinkers. There are a lot of other neighbourhoods in Montréal, none of which is fully “straight”, that most of us know better for one reason or another.

One of our goals was to tell people about our friend, with the hope that they will care and maybe even throw some money Hamilton’s way. Another goal was to work through our own emotions. In both respects, the Village wasn’t necessarily any better than a demo in another part of downtown or any of the neighbourhoods where we actually live.

ABOUT PINK MASKS

I don’t want to write for a long time about the importance of anonymity to any sustained anarchist project of intervention in social conflicts. Suffice it to say, though, that the state does its best to defend a monopoly on the use of violence – a term which, apparently, can be semantically abused to the point that deployment of the Black Hole at the outskirts of Hamilton Pride 2019 can be defined as such. For this reason, if we want to make a habit of challenging the state, in word or in deed, we would do well to disassociate that activity from information that can be used to identify us.

Our solidarity demo on Friday didn’t necessarily need masks – and in fact, there’s a good argument to be made that the masks made us even less approachable than we would have been otherwise. But I think there was an opportunity for us to do what anarchists in Montréal have done in the past, which is to explain why we wear them and how it makes sense in the context of, for instance, queer and trans self-defense against bigots.

FINAL WORDS

Cedar, and perhaps one or both of the other prisoners, could be in jail for awhile. There could be future arrests, too, or other consequences that may not be publicized as much. This demands that we keep finding the time to talk about the situation, to make sure we know what our friends need and want from us, and to reflect on whether our own practices are succeeding as we want them to. Our solidarity needs to be serious and sustained, not just spectacular. It needs to improve our own capacities, too. And we all knew that already, but reminders can be nice!

Fuck the haters, freedom for all prisoners, and big ups from Montréal to all the fighters in Hamilton.

– one more anarchist, Sunday, June 30, 2019

Categories: News

Final Straw: Carolina Abortion Fund, Reproductive Justice and Autonomy

It's Goin Down - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 18:45

The post Final Straw: Carolina Abortion Fund, Reproductive Justice and Autonomy appeared first on It's Going Down.

Long running anarchist radio and podcast show The Final Straw talks with grassroots organizers about abortion and reproductive health.

Listen and Download HERE

This week we had the opportunity to connect with Ash Williams, who is the Volunteer Coordinator for the Carolina Abortion Fund, and is also one of the architects of the Charlotte Uprising which they’ve been on the show before to talk about. I felt very lucky to get to talk with them again about the work they’ve been doing with Carolina Abortion Fund, but also about abortion in general and about expanding the meaning of reproductive justice work to encompass de-colonial views on care and healthcare work, environmental racism such as is going on in Flint Michigan, climate catastrophe, how this topic fits into a broader scope of reproductive capabilities being stolen from people, and many other aspects.

They also spoke on how we talk about abortion from their own perspective as a Black trans person, and how transmisogyny, the erasure of transfeminine experience, and transphobia can play into how this issue is thought of. They also give suggestions for folks already doing reproductive justice work moving forward to create intentional access for all who need or want that.

To help support this fund, to learn more about them and to donate if you can, you can visit their website https://www.carolinaabortionfund.org/

Shout Your Abortion, this is a consciousness raising project which has a new book out which you can see at their website.

We Testify which is in collaboration with the National Network of Abortion Funds is a project that seeks to normalize abortions by helping folks tell their stories, can be found at we testify dot org

National Network of Abortion Funds, a list of all independent and local abortion funds.

Here is an article on Marshae Jones, who is a woman in Alabama facing felonies for the termination by gunshot wound of her pregnancy. The shooter is not being charged with anything as of the writing of this post. Yellowhammer Fund is doing bail support for Marshae!

For a radio clean version of this show of 58 minutes in length, you can visit our collection on archive.org!

Playlist includes:

Ni Una Menos by Rebeca Lane

Georgina by Chumbawamba

Categories: News

What Can We Do?: A Mutual Aid Explainer

It's Goin Down - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 18:36

The post What Can We Do?: A Mutual Aid Explainer appeared first on It's Going Down.

An amazing new short film from from the Big Door Brigade on mutual aid and what mutual aid programs can and do, look like. 

People are so frustrated and scared right now, and struggling to figure out what to do. Here’s a new video about how mutual aid projects can help us mobilize and survive the nightmarish conditions we are facing. Check out BigDoorBrigade.com for a mutual aid toolkit after you watch!

Categories: News

Burning Equipment and Reflections Against Those Who Make Use of It

Anarchist News - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 14:15

via act for freedom now!

[This text from Indymedia Nantes deals with two attacks near Saint-Étienne, a small city near Lyon. The first targeted BTP Eurovia  and the second the Delmonico quarry. Links with pictures and mainstream press articles below.

[Although I don’t agree that workers are as responsible for the harm their work causes as the bosses and owners, or that all work is as disgusting as being a prison guard, this text still feels like a worthwhile contribution to a conversation about the limitations of a class-struggle centric analysis. Because this text is right on that if those with access to the means of production won’t destroy them, the rest of us are going to have to.]

We still remember skimming the assemblies, the furious streets, the blockades, the occupied squares. We remember diving into the posters, the leaflets, and the journals [1]. We were open in our words and encounters, avid and impatient to have it out with this world we were born into and that makes us die a little more each day. Raised on the morality of class, we approached the workers.Were they not our allies by definition? We dreamed of Haymarket, while most others dreamed of their buying power and a good retirement. We wanted to burn it down, they wanted to work better. We were too restless at work to not become disillusioned through contact with the exploited. This text is a distant echo of the nocturnal arson of May 14 and 16, 2019. These were attacks against work, of course, but also against all those who contribute to perpetuating it.

Saint-Etienne, two in the morning…

With quiet steps, we approached the site of this monstrous public works. The gate is open. We hesitate, we’re afraid, but the desire for action dissipates our apprehensions. We enter then separate. Each participant in the raid knows what to do. A subtle blend of anticipation and improvisation. Each prepares their vehicle, making no distinction between those of the company and individuals. Someone gives the signal. Suddenly, the lights above are joined by flames. We regrouped and rushed into the night.

What we destroyed is part of the means of production. The morality of class tells us that the labouring class, and it alone, can sabotage these means within the framework of their balance of power with the exploiting class. With the exception of a few Luddite moments, sabotage has never attained truly destructive intentions or intensities. This same morality insists as well that the labouring class should reappropriate the means of production. We won’t go on about historical examples because we don’t care. The people’s airports, prisons, and highways, we hate them all anyway. The means of production that make them possible should only be annihilated. And we won’t wait for the exploited to have a revelation to arm our resolve. Class struggle is a scam, since all classes reproduce themselves through work. Profit and power for some, salaries for others. Together, an indissoluble community of interest. Co-management. And you want us to march on May Day in the middle of this stinking, crawling crowd! No, we are filled with rage against work, its harm crushes our lives.

Its tricky to write about responsibility, especially when it is individual. For ourselves, we try to navigate between the shores of the doctrines of free will and absolute determinism. Those who unluckily crash on one side or the other are good reference points to orient our craft. We recognize that to a highly variable degree, individuals are always responsible for their actions.

Beyond the role their activity [2] plays for their class, the “workforce” retains their subjectivity and their power to act in all situations. Precisely where their power is found is also their responsibility. Those who resonate with these premises can begin to shift their gaze away from the state and capital to see the countless ordinary responsible parties. Those who lock doors. Who search bodies. Who assign grades. Who experiment in the laboratory. Who drive across the country to sell soda. Who automatically prescribe drugs, who sleep in their military uniform, who push their shopping cart, who drive a big rig, who go on ski trips, who install digital locks. Who take the subway, who slink down the street, crawl in the office, come home from the factory, pour back beers, enslave their wives, eat in restaurants, follow fashion trends, who sleep like the dead. Only to then swallow three coffees and start it all over again. Eight hours a day, 250 days a year, for forty years of life.

For a salary, these ordinary responsible parties aggravate the conditions of everyone around them, murder what is beautiful until the Earth weeps. And yet, this herd of workers doesn’t trash their work site or the means of production. So we will continue to do so. Because it’s necessary.

Two days later, new Vinci [3] vehicles will sleep on the pavement. In a week, the quarry will relaunch its extractive machinery. Our acts are as useless as their consequences are ephemeral. And regardless of similar actions, there won’t be chaos. We attack only for ourselves, to make and remake the intimate experience of our refusal of this world. The meaning and consistency of our lives emerges only in these few seconds.

Raptors of Rajas

Further details and pictures:

Saint-Jean-Bonnefonds (Loire), France : Fire at Eurovia

https://sansattendre.noblogs.org/post/2019/05/17/saint-julien-molette-loire-france-attaque-incendiaire-contre-la-carriere-16-mai-2019/

1] These are probably references to participation in actions around the Yellow Vest movement in France

2] Even more ambiguous in the original

3] Vinci, one of Europe’s largest companies, was also behind the airport at Notre-Dame-Des-Landes, of ZAD infamy. A preferred target for incendiary actions.

borderedbysilence.

Tags: Francedirect actionanti-worker
Categories: News

A Reportback from a Demo in the Village

Anarchist News - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 13:57

via mtl counter info

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

On Tuesday, June 25, 2019, anarchists in Hamilton issued the call for a day of action on Friday, June 28, in support of those who had recently attempted to isolate and frustrate anti-queer and anti-trans protesters using a large sheet of black fabric (dubbed “the Black Hole” in the reportback), a number of whom had white supremacist affiliations, during Hamilton Pride 2019 on June 15, and in support of those who have been caught up in the subsequent repression wave.

Thus, on Friday evening, I attended a demo in Montréal’s Gay Village that a number of anarchists, including friends of Cedar (the first person arrested, on Saturday, June 22) and other anarchists affected by the repression in Hamilton, swiftly organized in the short amount of time between Tuesday and Friday. I wasn’t meaningfully involved in the organizing myself, although I had an opportunity to be. My intention with this text is to offer some critical comments about different aspects of the demo to other anarchists in Montréal – which is a project I feel a little fucked-up about, actually.

I’ve heard that several people who were involved in the organizing had a slightly different vision of how the demo would turn out, and they were disappointed with the final outcome, in one way or another. This doesn’t mean that they regret doing it, though, and to the extent that some of what I have written below is unfair, incorrect, or something that these folks know already (i.e. they didn’t need it to be pointed out to them), what I am writing might come off as shitty.

People are stressed out and worried. Cedar has been in the Barton jail for seven nights tonight, on hunger strike. As I write, two other people are in jail too, also arrested Friday. The two other anarchists arrested earlier in the week have upcoming court dates. This is just what has been written about on the internet, by comrades and journalists, but obviously there are other things happening too, and threats of further arrests in the future. The situation obviously demands that we act, but we also need to act intelligently, in order to help prevent the legal-punitive system of Canada from taking away our friends. These comments aren’t aimed at making anyone feel like an idiot for anything that happened on Friday or in the very short window of time beforehand when it was organized, but instead, to contribute usefully to our shared project of helping our friends in Hamilton.

As anarchists in Montréal, we are distant from the events in Hamilton. Some of us aren’t so distant emotionally, but all of us are half a day’s drive away. There are only certain things it make sense for us to do. Non-exhaustively, these include doing things that boost the morale of friends in Hamilton (including aesthetic interventions in public space, posted to Instagram or shared on Signal or whatever), raising money for legal defense and other forms of support for people who are losing assets, jobs, and homes (in some cases, for the second or third or fourth time in the last year), and finally, actually putting pressure on institutions with power in the city of Hamilton, which is a tricky thing to do from a distance, and which requires sustained and well-conceived action towards a useful goal.

But first, for the benefit of comrades in other places (especially Hamilton) and for those who weren’t there, a quick summary of Friday evening.

THE DEMO

The demo began at the east end of the Gay Village, outside of Papineau station. Several dozen people were in attendance. There was a sound system in a cart, a large number of flyers in French and English to distribute, and most people were wearing pink masks, as did many of the Pride defenders in Gage Park on June 15. There was a small speech, and then we starting marching west long rue Sainte-Catherine, transformed into a pedestrian promenade for the summer. Tall sticks with coloured smoke bombs were lit shortly after we got moving, and we probably looked pretty cool, because that’s what coloured smoke does. Near the intersection of rue Plessis, we found an unused electrical plug, which was great, because the battery for our sound system wasn’t acting reliably.

When we got to the corner of rues Sainte-Catherine and Amherst (the latter of these streets will be renamed rue Atataken by the end of the summer), we remained for – this is a guess – ten to fifteen minutes, mostly listening to a speech that was delivered first in French, then in English. Afterwards, we marched back east. There were two cops standing outside a cruiser at one of the north-south intersections that intersects the pedestrian promenade, but we walked past them. They followed us to the nice spot we had found near the intersection with rue Plessis, where we plugged the sound system in again and proceed to have a nice little dance party. Unfortunately, Michel Meunier (aka Micky Mike, among other aliases), a white supremacist activist associated with Storm Alliance among other groups, happened to be sitting down on the adjacent terrasse of a Vietnamese restaurant, and he started filming us with his smartphone. Some people didn’t feel great about this, and led to some people taking their banners over to the terrasse in order to block his camera.

After some time, we continued further east. The cops had blocked off on traffic on rue Papineau in anticipation of our arrival. We turned back up to the plaza behind the métro station. I believe there were a few more cheers at the end, but I left at this time.

ABOUT CEDAR

Hero worship is bad. It’s bad even if the target of that worship is a genuinely good person, which is obviously how a lot of us think about Cedar.

Most people don’t know Cedar, and never will. Unfortunately, for them, Cedar is nothing but a mirage constructed from news articles, talk radio, YouTubers, snippets of politicians’ speeches, and official truths first announced to the public at Hamilton Police Service press conferences, then repeated, rarely with any investigation whatsoever, by journalists and Redditors. Of course, this is more true in Hamilton than it is in Montréal, where many people don’t even know where Hamilton is. Hamilton might as well be Saint Louis, Iqaluit, or Wellington, New Zealand.

There are good reasons to mention Cedar specifically, as I am doing in this article. First of all, Cedar’s name has already been released everywhere, and Cedar also faces at least one specific problem that is worth publicizing and challenging. I am not referring to the question of whether or not Cedar was present or absent in Gage Park on June 15 – because, thanks to the police department’s ability to dictate truth, it is a question. Instead, I am referring to the fact that, in 2018, Cedar was presented as the ringleader behind the March 3 action on Locke Street, as well as the operator of the Tower, Hamilton’s anarchist social centre. This idea needs to be challenged, and not just for Cedar’s personal sake. It’s a slander about anarchists, presenting us as just another cult with a single charismatic leader.

Our solidarity demo in Montréal mentioned Cedar by name a lot. At the conclusion of speeches near the rue Amherst intersection, there were cries of Free Cedar! and Liberté pour Cedar! This makes sense, because a lot of us in Montréal know Cedar personally. But, I think we also needed to mention the other two people in jail, or any of the other people who were actually present in Gage Park on June 15, who erected and defended the Black Hole in order to shield the attendees of Pride Hamilton from the haters’ annoying-as-fuck vitriol, and who took a few blows as a result of their efforts. Their names aren’t widely publicized – and that’s definitely a good thing! – but this is about them, too.

I haven’t been in touch since before last Saturday, but I assume it’s still true that Cedar doesn’t want to be turned into a public figure. Obviously, to some degree, this sort of thing is out of their control, but in our public discourse and our own thinking, we would do well to avoid what the comrades in Latin America call presismo, or “prisonerism”. The struggle as a whole, and not any one person, should be front and center in our expressions of solidarity, and we should do what we can to remind people of something that most people already know, namely that no one needs a ringleader to do the right thing or get into trouble, and that no single operator is responsible for a collective project as large and as long-lived as the Tower.

ABOUT MONTRÉAL’S GAY VILLAGE

Hamilton had its own demo on Friday evening. From what I can tell, the basic idea seems to have been very similar to our solidarity demo in Montréal, but the execution was more effective. The crowd gathered at Gore Park (a large plaza at the centre of downtown Hamilton, and not to be confused with Gage Park, a much larger green area several kilometres to the east) sometime in the evening, probably as we were gathering near Papineau station. In Montréal terms, Gore Park and the surrounding area is a bit likeeither Square Victoria or Place du Canada in terms of its centrality to the city, the wideness of the adjacent streets, the height of the buildings, and the general vibe on a Friday night. After a march around the downtown area, they returned to the intersection of King Street and James Street, adjacent to Gore Park, and had what looks to have been a spirited dance party in the middle street, with coloured smoke and music, that according to The Spectator, lasted for 15 minutes. It’s likely that hundreds of Hamiltonians witnessed or encountered the demo at some point, which had about 100 people participating, according to The Hamilton Spectator’s report.

Our demo in Montréal also had coloured smoke, a sound system, and a stated intention to have a dance party in the streets, but we did it in the Village, an environment with no real equivalent in Hamilton, at least as far as I know. At this time of year, the main east-west street in the Village is thronged with pedestrians, made narrower than is usual is by the abundance of terrasses that bars and cafés have been built, and also littered with giant flower pots, artists’ tents, and other things paid for by the local business association. Although we were only about 30 people, our presence on the street often impeded east-west traffic, especially for people on mobility scooters.

Impeding traffic goes with the territory of street demos, and I often have complicated feelings about it. There’s a larger conversation to be had about that.Of course, if our demo had been bigger and cooler, as it was in Hamilton, I would also feel differently. In that city, too, lots of people know what a Free Cedar rally is about; whether or not they support the cause, they recognize it. In Montréal, they absolutely don’t.

Montréal is a bilingual city, but there actually a lot of people who don’t speak English or who don’t speak it well, who won’t catch the message of English-language chants, and who won’t appreciate English-language banners – especially among the older francophones who were, in my estimation, the majority of people in the Village on Friday. People were calling for translations of slogans from terrasses, and I caught wind of a muttered “en français câlisse” more than once. In more ways than one, and certainly even in translation, our demo read hella anglo – especially once we ran out of flyers, and people had to chat with us to find out was happening. One fellow asked me if we were a group based at Concordia University.

Inasmuch as anyone living in Montréal, and not already deeply invested in the same things we are, is going to care about people they don’t know arrested in an antifa-style action somewhere on the far side of Toronto, it makes sense to think that they might be hanging out in the gay part of town. But if we want to do more solidarity actions in the future, we shouldn’t take for granted that we should do it again in the Village, at least not without answers to certain strategic questions.

First of all, how can we communicate effectively to people in the Gay Village, or anywhere else? This isn’t just about the language issue I already mentioned, because that’s a shitty thing to focus in on in particular (shaming or guilting other people about their language proficiencies is ableist, classist, and doesn’t do anything to improve anyone’s French whatsoever). It’s also about whether we chant A – Anti – Anti-capitaliste! or slogans against police, whether or not we our flyer has the word « Ontario » in « guillemets », whether or not we respect the rules of the road (shout out to when we just marched into avenue Papineau on a red light, near the beginning of the demo), and whether or not our mostly 20-and 30-something ectomorphic selves wear pink masks and cute outfits and eyeshadow and slowly sway in the street to young person music. Personally, I love publicly swaying to young person music and I thought a bunch of you looked hot, but for a lot of other folks, I suspect we collectively came off as conceited, cultish, and weird.

I believe a more multigenerational demo with a better capacity to communicate in French would go a long way to addressing this problem if there’s ever a next time. That’s easier said than done, of course!

The second question is whether or not the Gay Village is the best place for us to go in the first place, at least for a demo like this. Many of us, and that includesmy gay ass, have no special connection to that particular part of the city. We don’t live there, work there, or hang out there. The Village is an environment built around the desires and aggregate consumer behaviour of higher-income members of the LGBT community, be they tourists, condo dwellers, or café drinkers. There are a lot of other neighbourhoods in Montréal, none of which is fully “straight”, that most of us know better for one reason or another.

One of our goals was to tell people about our friend, with the hope that they will care and maybe even throw some money Hamilton’s way. Another goal was to work through our own emotions. In both respects, the Village wasn’t necessarily any better than a demo in another part of downtown or any of the neighbourhoods where we actually live.

ABOUT PINK MASKS
I don’t want to write for a long time about the importance of anonymity to any sustained anarchist project of intervention in social conflicts. Suffice it to say, though, that the state does its best to defend a monopoly on the use of violence – a term which, apparently, can be semantically abused to the point that deployment of the Black Hole at the outskirts of Hamilton Pride 2019 can be defined as such. For this reason, if we want to make a habit of challenging the state, in word or in deed, we would do well to disassociate that activity from information that can be used to identify us.

Our solidarity demo on Friday didn’t necessarily need masks – and in fact, there’s a good argument to be made that the masks made us even less approachable than we would have been otherwise. But I think there was an opportunity for us to do what anarchists in Montréal have done in the past, which is to explain why we wear them and how it makes sense in the context of, for instance, queer and trans self-defense against bigots.

FINAL WORDS

Cedar, and perhaps one or both of the other prisoners, could be in jail for awhile. There could be future arrests, too, or other consequences that may not be publicized as much. This demands that we keep finding the time to talk about the situation, to make sure we know what our friends need and want from us, and to reflect on whether our own practices are succeeding as we want them to. Our solidarity needs to be serious and sustained, not just spectacular. It needs to improve our own capacities, too. And we all knew that already, but reminders can be nice!

Fuck the haters, freedom for all prisoners, and big ups from Montréal to all the fighters in Hamilton.

– one more anarchist, Sunday, June 30, 2019

Tags: montrealanarchist solidarityqueer
Categories: News

Goshen, IN: Rally Responds to Alt-Right and Proud Boy Activity

It's Goin Down - Wed, 07/10/2019 - 09:40

The post Goshen, IN: Rally Responds to Alt-Right and Proud Boy Activity appeared first on It's Going Down.

Report back on recent antifascist activity in Goshen, Indiana in response to Alt-Right outreach and organizing.

In April there was a dramatic increase in recruiting by alt-right hate groups in Goshen, Indiana, the American Identity Movement (AmIM), formerly known as Identity Evropa, and the Proud Boys. The Proud Boys were out recruiting on the courthouse lawn twice, and asked City Officials if they could table at a monthly block party. We found Proud Boys flyers in people’s yards and IE stickers and posters on sign posts in Goshen and the neighboring city of Elkhart. We removed them and replaced them with our own.

This lead to us hosting a “No Place for Hate” rally in Goshen. Five speakers spoke on their fields of interest. First, the host of ‘There is no Godcast’ podcast spoke on religious persecution and loving regardless of religious beliefs. Then, the Founder of Operation TreeHouse, spoke of the current homeless situation in Goshen and about loving the homeless and those who suffer from addictions. Finally, calling out the hate groups (Proud Boys, AmIM), directly was one speaker, who stated that the Maple City General Defense Committee (GDC), would not let them spread their hate in their hometown.

People in #Goshen #Indiana making fast work of neo-Nazi Identity Evropa/American Identity Movement garbage – and putting up their own stuff in its place! pic.twitter.com/ndLvG14OES

— It's Going Down (@IGD_News) July 10, 2019

For the safety of other speakers, we had our own security available and reminded press not to photograph or name them.

Categories: News

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