From CrimethInc.Connecting J20 to Other Cases of Police Violence
We’ve prepared a new poster series connecting the police violence during Trump’s inauguration with the everyday violence and oppression that police carry out in Washington, DC and around the world. Please print these out and post them in your community.
The same police terrorize protesters, harass sex workers, and murder black and brown people. Just as police rounded up Jewish and Romani people in the Holocaust, sent dissidents to gulags in the Soviet Union, and imposed apartheid in South Africa, today in the United States police kill a thousand people a year and deport and imprison millions more. The fight against the #J20 prosecution is just one small part of the struggle against police oppression that targets countless communities. Let’s take it on together.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Jeffery Price was chased to his death by the DC Metropolitan Police on May 4, 2018. Days later, MPD raided the home of Price’s girlfriend’s mother and killed their dog, then conducted a warrantless search of Price’s mother’s property.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Terrence Sterling was murdered by DC police on September 11, 2016. Witnesses report that as Sterling was driving his motorcycle home from a bachelor party, officers pulled their police car into his path, forcing him to crash, then shot him in the head without provocation.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
D’Quan Young was murdered by an off-duty DC police officer on May 9, 2018. According to one witness, the officer was “spraying bullets all around. Bullet holes in people’s tires, bumpers and stuff. Like, he was just firing shots… he shot the neighborhood up.” Another report indicates that the officer “reloaded his weapon and continued shooting after D’Quan Young was on the ground.”
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
On January 20, 2017, during protests against the inauguration of Donald Trump, DC police sealed off an entire city block and arrested everyone on it. Over 200 people were indiscriminately charged with 8 felonies each. After a terrifying year, the prosecutors were forced to drop the vast majority of the charges, as one group of defendants after another was declared innocent in court and a judge ruled that the prosecution had concealed exonerating evidence. To this day, not one arrestee has been convicted on any charge.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Sharmus Outlaw passed away on July 7, 2016 after a life of activism for the health, safety, and freedom of sex workers in Washington, DC and around the world. DC police routinely target sex workers in ways that increase the already considerable risks they face—for example, harassing them for carrying condoms.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Cheryl Angel, a grandmother and unci Sicangu Lakota water protector who fought resource extraction at Standing Rock, was among the hundreds of people who were brutally attacked and pepper-sprayed by DC police on January 20, 2017 during Donald Trump’s inauguration.Black and White Versions
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Click the image above for downloadable PDF.
Illustrations by @dpetrohilos.Further Reading
Our classic poster: The PoliceTags: Crimethinc.postersart#disruptJ20#J20the policeanarchists in troublecategory: Actions
Courtesy of AK Press and editor/translator Javier Sethness-Castro, we share part of the introduction to the forthcoming I Am Action: Literary and Combat Articles, Thoughts, and Revolutionary Chronicles by Praxedis G. Guerrero, a Mexican anarcho-communist militant, journalist, and organizer. Javier’s biographical introduction is followed by translations from the volume of three of Guerrero’s most moving writings.Praxedis G. Guerrero, 1882-1910
The militant Mexican anarchist and revolutionary martyr Praxedis G. Guerrero arguably merits his comrade Ricardo Flores Magón’s laudatory characterization of him as a “sublime figure in the revolutionary history of the world.” This self-described “warrior, apostle, and philosopher,” born in 1882 to an aristocratic family in the highlands of Guanajuato State, was “destined to be one of the principal precursors” of the Mexican Revolution, according to his biographer Ward S. Albro. During his short but highly illuminating life, Guerrero participated as a central figure in the transnational revolutionary network established by the Organizational Council of the Mexican Liberal Party (PLM), which was dedicated firstly to deposing the tyrant Porfirio Díaz and thereafter to promoting anarchist revolution throughout Mexico according to the slogan Tierra y Libertad (“Land and Freedom”).
As Magón writes in his reminisces about Guerrero following his death early in the Revolution, there was little immediate indication from the childhood of Praxedis, whose father was a local indigenous chief and whose mother was the daughter of a Spanish count, that he would be anything other than bourgeois. His family’s hacienda in Los Altos de Ibarra, Guanajuato, comprised thousands of acres that were worked by hundreds of farmhands. Yet Praxedis was privileged to have developed an “exceptional sensitivity” and an “exceptional brain” that led him to adopt the revolutionary proletarian cause upon his maturation. At eighteen, he left with his brother for San Luis Potosí, where they worked for a number of months in a brewery and smelter. Thereafter he returned to Guanajuato to work in the family business for some time before enlisting in the Second Military Reserve under General Bernardo Reyes, Díaz’s minister of war and appointed governor of Nuevo León State. Rising to the rank of Second Lieutenant of cavalry, Praxedis received the military training that would later serve the PLM’s cause. He resigned his post after the 2 April 1902 massacre in Monterrey ordered by Reyes against Liberal protesters who were mobilizing in favor of another gubernatorial candidate. Around the same time, Guerrero became acquainted with Mexico’s Liberal oppositional press, including the satirical newspaper El Hijo del Ahuizote (“The Son of the Ahuizote”), edited by Juan Sarabia from August 1885 until July 1902, when Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón rented out the press, and presumably Regeneración (“Regeneration”), founded by Jesús and Ricardo Flores Magón in August 1900. After resigning his military post, he returned to Guanajuato to attend to his ill father and manage the family’s hacienda, and it was from his father’s bookshelf that Praxedis first encountered the writings of Victor Hugo, Maxim Gorky, Lev Tolstoy, Mikhail Bakunin, and Peter Kropotkin.
In 1904, consummating the dream Tolstoy had envisioned but could never effect, Guerrero definitively abandoned his aristocratic upbringing. With his comrades Francisco Manrique and Manuel Vázquez, he left Mexico for the U.S., where he sold his labor as a miner in Colorado, a lumberjack in Texas, a longshoreman in San Francisco, and a copper and coal miner in Arizona. He founded the newspaper Alba Roja (“Red Dawn”) with Francisco and Manuel while in San Francisco, and it was likely in this way that he brought himself to the attention to the newly established Organizational Council of the Mexican Liberal Party, founded in St. Louis in 1905 by the exiled radicals Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón, Juan and Manuel Sarabia, Librado Rivera, Antonio I. Villarreal, and Rosalío Bustamante. In Douglas, Arizona, Praxedis met and befriended Manuel Sarabia and requested successfully to affiliate himself with the PLM. Days after the suppression of the June 1906 Cananea strike in the desert of Sonora, which had been launched by thousands of Mexican miners demanding an eight-hour work day and higher wages, Praxedis founded the organization “Free Workers” with his comrades toward the end of propagating the Liberal ideal among the miners of the region. He also established a local PLM group in Morenci counting some fifty members, as a counterpart to the Liberal Club of Douglas. The failure of the Council’s plans for an insurrection against the dictatorship in the border towns of Ciudad Juárez, Nogales, and Jiménez—a plot that was organized to coincide with Independence Day, 16 September 1906—and the subsequent arrest of Ricardo, Antonio, and Librado in Los Angeles for having violated existing neutrality laws between the U.S. and Mexico launched Guerrero into the position of principal responsibility for the cause. Indeed, as Albro argues, Praxedis effectively led the PLM’s struggle during the three highly significant years of 1907 to 1910, corresponding to the time that the Council’s better-known organizers were imprisoned, and ending with his death in the Revolution.
Praxedis was named a “Special Delegate” of the PLM’s Organizational Council in June 1907, and the next month he distributed a public call for justice in the case of Manuel Sarabia, his comrade and roommate in Douglas, Arizona, who had been kidnapped, deported, and imprisoned in Hermosillo, Sonora, at the hands of Díaz’s henchmen. This crime sparked an international outcry that resulted in Sarabia’s release following a show trial that acquitted the militant’s captors. Then, following the arrest of another exiled Liberal, Lázaro Gutiérrez de Lara, Guerrero moved to Los Angeles to collaborate with Sarabia and Enrique Flores Magón in editing and publishing the newspaper Revolución, which began its run in June 1907. Sarabia was soon arrested on the very same charges as Magón, Villarreal, and Rivera, but was subsequently rescued by Elizabeth Trowbridge, a socialist activist and heiress from Boston, who paid his bail, married him, and escaped with to England. Although Praxedis cut off communication with Manuel over this decision to elope, Sarabia nonetheless would circulate Guerrero’s writings throughout much of the European continent. Praxedis had his first meeting with Ricardo, Antonio, and Librado in the Los Angeles jail in November 1907; the next month, he was named Second Secretary of the Organizational Council. Revolución was subsequently shut down, its press destroyed and its editors incarcerated by L.A. police acting on behalf of the Mexican State. Whereas Praxedis and Enrique saw the light of day thanks to the efforts of their co-editor Modesto Díaz died in prison.
Seeking to relaunch the Revolution against Díaz, Praxedis left Los Angeles with Francisco Manrique for El Paso, where they organized a widespread insurrection in Mexico, set for 24–25 June 1908. Guerrero commanded some sixty armed Liberal groups divided across five geographical zones comprising Mexico that were prepared to revolt. Nonetheless, as in the case of the uprising organized two years prior, this new revolutionary plan was largely foiled by the two States’ transnational spy network: hundreds of conspirators were arrested and sent to the San Juan de Ulúa prison in Veracruz, where many perished. Still, Liberal forces managed to engage in three battles against federal troops during this time: in Las Vacas, Coahuila, a village which the Liberals likely would have taken, had they not run out of ammunition during the firefight; Viesca, Coahuila, where the insurgents liberated the local jail, expropriated State funds, and proclaimed the PLM’s program, but were driven out by Díaz’s forces; and Palomas, Chihuahua, an attack that Praxedis personally led, but which led to the death of his comrade Francisco. Guerrero commemorates these three revolutionary episodes in heroic chronicles translated in this volume. The pathos permeating the “Palomas” chronicle celebrates Francisco’s martyrdom, serving both to foreshadow Guerrero’s own end and to laud the revolutionary commitment of his childhood friend, who, like Praxedis, had been born into wealth but who had repudiated such privilege to dedicate himself wholeheartedly to the struggle.
Despite the failures of the 1908 uprisings, Guerrero continued organizing the Revolution unfazed. In early 1909, he traveled to central and southern Mexico on a mission authorized by the Council to coordinate a new simultaneous uprising on both sides of the border. During this trip, he also visited his family in Guanajuato for the last time, announcing to them that he had become a vegetarian because “it hurt him that animals were sacrificed” and that he renounced the inheritance left to him by his late father for being inconsistent with anarchism. Upon return to the U.S., he undertook a tour of the Midwest to request support from the Socialist Party for the coming Revolution. By this time, U.S. and Mexican authorities had come to realize the threat posed by Guerrero, with the Mexican consul referring to him as the “revoltoso chief” and the Secretary of State identifying him as a “notorious revolutionist who is still at large.” In fact, in Houston in early 1910, the militant narrowly escaped capture at the hands of a U.S. marshal by reportedly climbing out a third-story hotel window.
Thereafter, in El Paso, Praxedis founded Punto Rojo (“Flash Point”) as a successor to Revolución, and this periodical enjoyed an estimated weekly circulation of ten-thousand copies, primarily among Mexican laborers in the U.S. Southwest. Guerrero also founded the Pan-American Labor League in San Antonio in the summer of 1910. Once Ricardo, Antonio, and Librado were released from prison in August 1910, Praxedis left Texas for Los Angeles, where the Organizational Council was reconstituted and Regeneración relaunched. Guerrero had dozens of his most important articles published in this newspaper during the three months he spent with his comrades before his final departure, and several more were published in its pages posthumously.
Upon the proclamation of the Mexican Revolution in November 1910, as issued by Magón’s reformist rival Francisco I. Madero, Liberal combat-units were activated throughout much of the country: in Sonora, Chihuahua, Tlaxcala, Morelos, Durango, Oaxaca, Tabasco, and Veracruz. Believing that his aloofness from the battlefield contradicted his anarchist principles, Praxedis departed Los Angeles for El Paso to join the Revolution, much to the consternation of Magón and other comrades on the Council. Leading a group of insurgents who flew the red flag emblazoned with the slogan Tierra y Libertad across the border into Mexico on December 19, Guerrero had planned to liberate a number of communities in Chihuahua before marching on the state’s capital city.
After having attacked the Cruz González hacienda and taking the train south to Guzmán station, destroying bridges along the way, the rebels divided into two groups, with the column commanded by Praxedis attempting first to take Casas Grandes. Such a task appeared impossible due to the vast discrepancy in forces between the Liberals and federal troops, so the insurgents retreated northwest to the town of Janos, which they took on December 30 after fierce fighting. Nevertheless, federal reinforcements arrived shortly after this victory, and it was during this battle that Guerrero and some eleven other militants lost their lives. Greatly moved by the deaths of their comrades, the Liberal troops repelled the reinforcements, though they ultimately had to withdraw and leave the bodies of Guerrero and the others behind. Thus ended the life of Praxedis, the revolutionary anarcho-communist whose existence “had given off such intense light.”
 See “A Letter from Ricardo Flores Magón” in this volume.
 Ward S. Albro, To Die on Your Feet: The Life, Times, and Writings of Praxedis G. Guerrero (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University, 1996), 2.
 See “A Letter from Ricardo Flores Magón.”
 The ahuizote (from the Nahuatl ahuitzotl, “spiky aquatic thing”) is a creature from Aztec legend that likely refers to the axolotl (Ambystoma mexicanum), an amphibian species that characteristically does not metamorphose upon maturation.
 Diego Abad de Santillán, Ricardo Flores Magón: El apóstol de la Revolución mexicana (México, D.F.: Editorial RedeZ, “Tejiendo la Utopía,” 2011), 26; Claudio Lomnitz, The Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magón (New York: Zone Books, 2014), 83.
 Albro, 138.
 Ibid, 112.
 Ibid, 35-37.
 Benjamin Maldonado, “Biographical Sketch” in Dreams of Freedom: A Ricardo Flores Magón Reader, eds. Chaz Bufe and Mitchell Cowen Verter (Oakland: AK Press, 2005), 83.
 Eugenio Martínez Núñez, La vida heroica de Práxedis G. Guerrero (México: Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución, 1960), 51.
 Albro, 55-59.
 Ricardo Flores Magón, “Praxedis G. Guerrero,” in this volume.“Passivity and Rebellion,” from Punto Rojo no. 3 (29 August 1909)
In the damp corners of miserable dwellings are produced dark, viscous beings, often clumsy, who also engage in the struggle for life, exploiting the environment that produces them—the infected, noxious, unwholesome mire—without which their existence would not provoke the disgust of beings who grew in different environments.
It is possible that the bug comes to believe itself, in good faith, the protector and savior of the black, humid corner and that it endeavors to prevent the sun and the broom from entering, revolutionizing, and transforming the medium by destroying it and its products. Doing so fulfills its duty of self-preservation, because where would it go without miasmas, darkness, and putrefaction? Passivity writhes in resistance to the progressive impulse of revolution.
The myriapoda and the arachnids, the scorpions and burying beetles—the world of vermin living off the poverty of the people—practice postures and skillful slitherings to dodge and delay the blow of the broom and the rays of the sun.
They defend their environment of conventionalism and enervation, because it guarantees their vitality to the constant detriment of the mass of producers.
The quiescent ones raise an outcry calling themselves apostles of evolution, condemning everything that has any hint of rebelliousness; they appeal to fear and make pathetic patriotic calls; they resort to ignorance and go so far as to advise the people to let themselves be murdered and insulted during the next round of elections, to again and again peacefully exercise their right to vote, so that the tyrants mock them and assassinate them over and over. No mention of leaving the fetid corner, which they propose to improve by adding more and more filth, more and more cowardice.
A somersault within a cubic centimeter of slime, they say, represents a salvational evolution, a peaceful and necessary evolution—necessary, that is, to those who are in their element, in the medium that creates and nurtures them—but not for those of us who seek a pure, clean, and healthy environment, one that only the Revolution can create by destroying the existing despots as well as, very essentially, the socio-economic conditions that have produced them and that would cause new ones to sprout, if we were foolish enough to only end the effects and to allow the causes to remain—that is, if we were to evolve as do they, the inert ones, taking a dive in their cubic centimeter of mud.
True evolution that will improve of the lives of Mexicans, rather than their parasites, will come with the Revolution. The two complement each other, and the former cannot coexist with the anachronisms and subterfuges that the redeemers of passivity employ today.
To evolve we must be free, and we cannot have freedom if we are not rebels, because no tyrant whatsoever has respected passive people. Never has a flock of sheep instilled the majesty of its harmless number upon the wolf that craftily devours them, caring for no right other than that of his teeth.
We must arm ourselves, not using the useless vote that will always be worth only as much as a tyrant wants, but rather with effective and less naive weapons whose utilization will bring us ascendant evolution instead of the regressive one praised by pacifist activists.
Passivity, never! Rebellion—now and always.
 A subphylum of arthropods that includes centipedes and millipedes.“Blow,” from Regeneración no. 3 (fourth edition), 17 September 1910
The pacified multitudes made a noise like a flock at the shearer’s shop; brutality, infamy, flattery, lies, and vanity surrounded me; my nerves exhausted me; I fled from the city because I felt imprisoned there, and I came to this solitary rock which will be the mausoleum of my frustrations. I am alone at last; the city and its noises remained very far away; I am free from them. I will breathe another environment; the murmur of nature will be the sweet song that my ears hear.
Standing atop the high ledge, the vagabond smiles.
A light breeze arrived; and into the vagabond’s lungs something asphyxiating penetrated; he heard a strange voice moaning in his mop of coarse hair.
“From where do you come, light breeze, you who cause anxiety and mad sorrows?”
“I come from a long pilgrimage. I passed by the cabins of the peasants and I saw how these slaves are born and raised; with my subtle fingers I touched the coatless flesh of the little ones, the gaunt and droopy breasts of the ugly mothers, brutalized by poverty and abuse; I touched the features of hunger and of ignorance; I passed through the palaces and recovered the grunt of envy, the belching of excess, the sound of the coins counted feverishly by the greedy, the echo of the orders that kill freedom. I felt in my hand invisible tapestries, golden marble, and jewels that adorn to give worth to worthless people. I passed by the factories, workshops, and fields, and I was soaked with the saltiness of unrewarded sweat; I allowed myself the briefest peek into the mines and collected the tired breath of thousands of men. I went through the naves of churches and found crime and laziness moralizing; I took from there the acrid smells of evil incense. I slid through the prisons and I caressed childhood prostituted by the justice system, thought enchained in dungeons, and I saw how myriads of little insects eat the flesh of larger insects. I forced my way into barracks and saw in their quarters humiliation, brutality, repulsive vices, an academy of murder. I entered school classrooms and saw science befriending error and prejudice; I saw intelligent youth fighting to acquire certificates of exploiters, and I saw in the books the iniquitous law that gives the right to violate all rights. I passed through the valleys, through mountain ranges; I whistled in the tyrants’ lyre, formed with the taut ropes of those hanged from forest branches. I carry pain, I carry bitterness, and for that reason I moan; I carry resignation, I come from the world, and for this reason I am asphyxiated.”
“Go then, light breeze; I want to be alone.”
The breeze left, but human anguish remained trapped in the coarse mane of the vagabond.
Another wind arrived then in strong gusts, intense and
“Who are you? Where do you come from?”
“I come from all the corners of the world; I carry the just future; I am the breath of the Revolution.”
“Blow, hurricane; comb my hair with your terrible fingers. Blow, gale, blow over the cliff and valleys and in the abysses, and turn through the mountains; tear down these barracks and these
churches; destroy these prisons; shake that resignation; dissolve those clouds of incense; break the branches of those trees from which the oppressors have made their lyres; awaken from that
ignorance; uproot those gold mines that represent a thousand misfortunes. Blow, hurricane, whirlwind, north wind, blow; lift those passive sands upon which camels’ hooves and serpents’ bellies
tread, and turn them into burning projectiles. Blow, blow, so that when the breeze returns, it does not leave the horrible anguish of human slavery imprisoned in my head.”
The shadow is a shroud for impostures, vanity, and glitter; it is for that reason that so many hate it.
The shadow kills the useless beauty of the precious stones that captivate primitive minds.
In the shadows are born the tempests and revolutions that destroy but also fertilize.
Coal, a dark rock that stains the hands that touch it, is strength, light, and movement when it roars in the fire of the cauldron.
The rebellion of the dark proletariat is progress, liberty, and science when this vibrates in its fists and shakes in its minds.
In the depth of the darkness, beings take form, and the palpitations of life begin.
In the belly of the furrow germinates the seed.
The darkness of the cloud is the fertility of the fields; the darkness of the rebel is the freedom of the people.
If you enjoyed this biographical piece on a historic anarchist figure then we recommend “Mikhail Bakunin, 1814-1876: Biography, Readings and Quotes” and “Brazilian Bakunin: Anarchist Militant Domingos Passos.”Tags: MexicoBlack Rose Anarchist FederationPraxedis Guerreroak pressbookscategory: Essays
From Fifth Estate
Lima anarchist scene survives official clean up
by Bill Weinberg
Fifth Estate # 400, Spring, 2018
When Lutxo Rodríguez recalls the local punks and social outcasts of the downtown Lima, Peru district he habituates “dressing in black in the ’80s,” I smile wryly, remembering the Lower East Side of my own youth. But the urban decay that allowed for the florescence of bohemia and an anarcho-punk scene in this small enclave of a South American capital came “in the context of political violence,” he says.
This is Jiron Quilca, a narrow street just off the city’s Plaza San Martin. Follow it west, and the stately old hotels and restaurants around the plaza quickly give way to dusty second-hand bookstores, where surviving murals on the exterior walls speak to a recent past of oppositional culture. Quilca, and the warren of small streets surrounding it, was long the haunt of Lima’s “poets, punks, writers, and marginalized people,” Rodríguez recalls.
A veteran figure in the scene, Rodríguez himself looks like he’s changed little. He is still dressed in a black-and-red color scheme, with long partly dyed hair, black beard and nose-ring. “But Quilca is not the same,” he says. “It is full of lumpen as well as bohemia. There are still lots of bookstores, people still gather there in the evenings to drink and talk. But it isn’t a focus of resistance the way it used to be.”
In the 1980s and on into the ’90s, Peru was wracked by the Maoist Shining Path and other guerilla insurgencies. Lima suffered a lawless atmosphere, and much property was abandoned, especially in the downtown area. In outlying areas, there was massive colonization of vacant land, as peasants fleeing violence in the countryside established squatter communities and “informal” barrios, creeping up the rugged slopes that overlook the city. As in North American cities in the ’70s and ’80s, crime and insecurity were endemic.
Space has been closing more rapidly since Lima’s 2014 mayoral election of conservative Luis Castañeda who is aggressively touting a clean-up of the city—much in the style of New York City’s mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, a generation ago.
Still, Rodríguez is keeping alive a stubborn remnant of alternative Quilca’s heyday—El Eskupitajo (an alterno-spelling of the Spanish word for expectoration), a little stall in a pedestrian mall off Jiron Camana, one of Quilca’s feeder streets, selling punk records (yes, vinyl) and regalia, along with fanzines and some anarchist literature.
Much of this latter is published by Rodríguez’s own imprint, Editorial Anarcritica. Its most recent effort is a Spanish translation of Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience, with an introduction by Rodríguez. Desobedencia is also the name of the anarchist zine he has sporadically published since 2001.
He also peddles anarchist lit at Barricada Discos, the record stall he runs at Galerias Brasil, a mall in the nearby working-class district of Jesus Maria. Downstairs, traditional bookbinders work alongside internet connection points, while one flight up punk and metal blare from numerous stalls that now constitute the city’s principal magnet for rockero youth. Punks (especially the more political ones) are also called subtes in limeño argot—short for subterranean.
Rodríguez poses for my camera in Barricada Discos while holding aloft a slab of vinyl from Autonomia, the most iconic band of Lima’s subte scene. The sleeve sports a black cat and a black flag with the circle-A.
The changes to Quilca were clear to me when I passed through and met with Rodríguez in November. I had last been there four years earlier, in 2013. Then, a hub of the scene, El Haberno community center, had just recently been evicted. But the colorful and whimsical murals on its exterior walls were still intact. One read “14 years of counter-culture,” an obvious epitaph for the center, painted with eviction impending. Today they are all painted over.
The lifespan of El Haberno (The Devil’s Pit) is telling. When it opened in 1999, the property was disputed pursuant to its abandonment years earlier, allowing the activists and artists to move in, and pay little or nothing in rent. It was something of a hippie-punk hybrid entity, attracting subte and DIY culture as well as followers of musica folklorica. One mural showed a portrait of El Jilguero del Huascaran (real name Ernesto Sanchez Fajardo), the folksinger from mountainous Ancash region who was an advocate for the peasants.
When dictatorship briefly returned in 1992—as President Alberto Fujimori declared his “self-coup,” suspending Congress and the constitution—Quilca had been a rare outpost of open defiance. After democracy was restored a second time and Fujimori was put on trial for corruption and ghastly human rights abuses, El Haberno pressed the question. Rodríguez recalls “murals and concerts openly opposed to Fujimori.”
The demise of El Haberno is the bitter fruit of Lima’s “recovery.” With stability restored, property values are rising, and disputed titles are being cleared up. Space for alternative culture is fast shrinking.
Another great loss was the closure of the Boulevard de Cultura Quilca, the enclave’s biggest pedestrian mall, filled with stalls selling books, zines, political or psychedelic t-shirts, and other such alternative accoutrements. Rodríguez tells me how it once hosted an annual “Anti-Patriotic Festival” every July, when Peru celebrates its Independence Day.
The site was owned by the Catholic Archdiocese of Lima, which in 2016 finally evicted the peddlers. It is now a parking garage.
Yet another loss was the ironically named Salon Imperial squat and community center, just off Quilca on Jiron Colmena. This center dated back to the left-wing dictatorship of Gen. Juan Velasco in the late 1960s, when an old office building was turned over to the community. Through the subsequent conservative regimes, it had been held by various community groups on a more or less informal basis, tolerated if not officially permitted by the authorities.
The building operated a big communal kitchen that fed hundreds of local residents daily, and provided space for numerous activist groups, including the Avancemos anarchist collective, which published a newspaper of that name. It also hosted punk rock shows and other cultural happenings.
In February 2014, the Salon Imperial was gutted in a mysterious fire that left two dead. It remains vacant today.
Rodríguez runs down a brief overview of several alternative spaces that have come and gone over the years. The only significant entity that survives today is a vegan space dubbed La Maleza (The Undergrowth), in Callao, Lima’s port sibling city.
Before it was eclipsed by the Communist Party and a left-populist party in the 1920s, Peru had a significant anarcho-syndicalist movement. And, there are direct links to past participants in this movement to the current scene.
The great grand-daddy of Peruvian anarchism was the polemicist and poet, Manuel Gonzalez Prada.
His most important political work was his 1904 essay Nuestros Indios (Our Indians), an embarrassingly patronizing title by contemporary standards. But it was among the first to grapple with what would become a defining debate of the Peruvian left—whether the popular and especially rural masses are foremost economically oppressed as workers and peasants, or culturally oppressed as indigenous peoples.
Contemporaries of Gonzalez Prada were the father-and-son anarchist duo of Manuel Caracciolo Levan° and Delfin Amador Levan°.
Both were early labor organizers, back before the establishment of Peru’s major unions, and were especially critical in the struggle for the eight-hour day, won through national legislation in 1919. The younger, Delfin Levan°, a baker by trade, published the syndicalist newspapers La Protesta and El Proletariado through the early 1920s.
Delfin was the father of the journalist and historian César Lévano, who remains a significant figure on the Peruvian left today. He publishes the intransigent left-wing daily Uno, and intermittently teaches at Lima’s San Marcos National University. He’s the author with Luis Tejada of La Utopia Libertaria en el Peru, a history of the anarchist tradition in the country.
Lutxo Rodríguez has sat in on some of Cesar Levano’s classes at San Marcos, representing a passing of the torch from the syndicalists to the subtes.
Even if it no longer has a central meeting space, Lima’s anarchist scene survives.
Rodríguez tells me it is divided between a “more conventional” current and an “anti-todo” (anti-everything) tendency—meaning “anti-intellectual, anti-organization.”
With Peru plunging into political crisis, Lima’s anarchist survivors may be looking at an opportunity to test their mettle—eviction, property squeeze and “clean up” notwithstanding.
Bill Weinberg lives in New York City and blogs at CounterVortex.orgTags: perureviewLatin Americacategory: Essays
Note: A slightly different version of this piece originally appeared on It’s Going Down. Many thanks to IGD for their support. Like everything RED produces, the following was developed collaboratively within RED’s anti-capitalist research collective.
by Art Burbridge
“The Summer of Rage has begun! Get your sun screen on because it’s gonna be a hot one!”
Radical struggle is on the rise in Philadelphia. Since at least 2016, anarchist actions—by the Summer of Rage Anarchist Crew, Antifa, and many others—have been intensifying and broadening in a city that has a long history of antiauthoritarian struggles. Other groups have been energized too, like prison and police abolitionists, socialists, and Marxists. With anarchists, they are challenging gentrification, police brutality, mass incarceration, predatory landlords, and attacks on workers. These far left forces are starting to converge and overlap—seen in reaction to the killing of a local activist, in the abortive 2016 anti-DNC protests in the city, or in actions against local white supremacy. But the radical scene remains disconnected. It is still struggling to develop on the mass scale that would be needed to challenge capital in a revolutionary way.
Anarchists and their allies confront a city in the middle of a neoliberal transition. Since the collapse of much of the local industry, Philly has been undergoing a process of transformation by corporations like Comcast and the flood of bourgeois managers, lawyers, and others that corporations bring with them. Internal colonization, displacement, police brutality, and a savage “gig” economy inevitably follow. They deepen the already obscene racial and economic inequality here. But Amazon is threatening to build a new headquarters in the city, a move that would accelerate and intensify Philly’s forces of displacement and domination.
Anarchists play an important role in radical organizing in Philly. They offer a set of ideas, practices, and experiences for building power beyond the state and capital—especially important as capital increasingly relies on an authoritarian, fascistic state to survive. And they provide some of the most important spaces—the Wooden Shoe, A-Space, etc.—for far left groups to meet, hold events, and spread a revolutionary culture.
But what possibilities and obstacles exist here for building revolutionary, autonomous power? To ask this question, I place far left struggles in Philly against the backdrop of their material context: neoliberal capital’s crisis-ridden development on the local, national, and international scene. The point isn’t to give easy answers—there aren’t any—but to help chart some of the potential tasks ahead. Ultimately I ask: what would it take to make a revolution here?
This piece is part of a series from the Radical Education Department (RED)—see this and this—exploring possibilities for building a revolutionary mass movement today. It emerges out of RED’s attempts, alongside many others, to build revolutionary power in Philly.
Radical left groups have long been a force in this city. Their work was on display, for example, in the explosive revolt against the RNC in 2000 and in the continuing fight to abolish the police and prisons by groups like Philly for REAL Justice. Since the election of Trump, far left, and especially antiauthoritarian, struggle has been on the rise. Philly Antifa is shutting down local fascist groups. Upheavals spread across the city in 2017 against Trump and the forces of domination he represents, and they continue. The Summer of Rage Anarchist Crew recently announced a “summer of rage” against gentrification and the impending Amazon move.
What’s next for radical struggle in Philly, especially for anarchists? What possibilities and obstacles are we facing? To answer these questions, it is helpful to see our struggles in their historical and material context.
Neoliberal capital and crisis
The counterrevolution of the 70s and 80s shattered the revolutionary left. This laid the groundwork for neoliberal capitalism. Financial and corporate power was unleashed. The years that followed witnessed an orgy of privatization, union busting, and destruction of hard-won social services. Capitalists paired union busting with neocolonialism: they increasingly moving production to countries—Vietnam, Indonesia, etc.—or to domestic “mini-mills” to maximize their exploitation of workers. Today’s “gig” service economy of precarious and atomized workers is the result. At the same time, the ruling class turned to mass incarceration to attack the revolt of people of color. Prisons are a new source of corporate profit and a laboratory to reinvent slavery. The capitalist patriarchy is dismantling women’s historic gains in the 70s and driving towards ever greater control over women’s bodies and more rigid gender binaries. A white supremacist and patriarchal state and economy drive women and people of color, along with immigrants and precarious workers, into a pool of hyper-exploited workers. That pool helps to guarantee stagnating wages.
But capital is riven by contradictions. Its normal state is stagnation; it drives towards periodic, violent crisis.
In their blind quest for profit and growth, firms automate jobs away and suppress wages to maximize profits. They therefore create a working class with a limited ability to buy their glut of goods. And through automation, capitalists attack the very source of their profit—exploited labor. Confronting this reality, financial firms dump investments into extremely volatile financial transactions. They push the working and lower-middle classes into an unsustainable debt to buy up commodities. All the while, bosses keep automating jobs away, and they intensify attacks on workers, all to escape stagnation. The bosses thereby drive the cycle of stagnation and crisis they are trying to escape. It is no surprise that growth and profit rates have been in a long-term decline for decades. Another economic crisis is coming. And with it comes another chance for a mass, revolutionary upheaval.
Radicals in the US and beyond inherit this history.
We confront a shattered revolutionary left. Since the counterrevolution of 70s and 80s, we have been slowly rebuilding mass resistance. We are still experimenting with ways to connect the vast array of class, racial, and gender struggles within durable and revolutionary mass movements. These experiments include the anti-nuclear movement of 1980s, the Global Justice Movement, the anti-Iraq War movement, and Occupy, important moments of our development. But they were each deeply limited in their own way. They were unable to create the solution to the far left’s crisis of organizing—the crisis of collective, large-scale, long-term power.
But on the other hand, capitalism’s stagnation has thrown it into crisis. A fascist state is emerging in America—and well beyond—to cope with that crisis. Trump is a puppet of the ruling class. He uses white supremacy and patriarchy to seduce working class and lower-middle class whites, marshaling them behind the ruling class that dominates them. The goal of fascism is to divide the dominated, to turn them against each other, in order to save capitalism from itself. But the more nakedly the fascist state attacks immigrants, people of color, women, and workers, the more it sparks revolt. Under the emerging fascist regime, the far left is growing and connecting in a mass way. And fascism does not eradicate capitalism’s basic contradictions. Profit rates fall; growth can’t be sustained; finance capital gambles recklessly. Anarchists, and the far left generally, are facing a historic opportunity to build mass struggle.
Neoliberal capital in Philadelphia
Philadelphia, like every city in the United States, is being fundamentally transformed by decades of neoliberal capitalist “development.” The increased flight of manufacturing beginning in the 60s ruined working-class neighborhoods like Kensington. Monopolistic corporations like Comcast, alongside universities and others in the “information economy,” fill the void. The city is flooded with mid- to upper-level managers who administer corporate and financial firms’ needs. They are trailed by a mass of professional functionaries—lawyers, consultants, university professors and administrators, and so on—that keep the machinery of domination running smoothly. Industrial work remains to a degree, but Philly is now driven by finance, the “information economy,” and the service sector.
Philly’s ruling class is composed of corporate board members, corporate and financial firm heads, upper management, hospital and university administrators; and so on. They are served directly by the professional and managerial classes loyal to them. But beneath these layers lies an army of low-paid, often precarious service and industrial workers. This mass is composed of overlapping communities of women, immigrants, people of color, downwardly mobile students and graduates. They are the janitors, laborers, nannies, waiters, dishwashers, canvassers, cleaners, Uber drivers, bike messengers, taxi drivers, temps, and store clerks that make Philly’s economy function. Since the city teacher’s union has been defanged, and since education is increasingly being privatized and defunded, public schools become factories that pump into that army of workers—or simply into prison.
Philly thrives on internal colonization; its firms are colonizing forces. The invading mass of professionals, entrepreneurs, and middle managers need someplace to live. The city government and real estate companies make room for them. Neighborhoods that were decimated by capital flight and ravaged by the new economy are demolished and their communities thrown out. Eco-friendly communities of liberal, hard-working professionals rise in their place. Chic bars, edgy restaurants, and homey shops arrive to soak up disposable income, raising property values even more. The ruling class’ media outlets help out where they can. The colonized getting kicked out were lazy and violent anyway, we’re told. Every colonizer tells itself this story.
Police are the vanguards of colonization. Their deadly, white supremacist harassment helps drive out decades- or generations-long residents and fill prisons. More than this, though, the police are the Philly government’s general tool for disciplining the pool of unemployed or low-wage workers. With racist policing and through general intimidation they try to create a populace that won’t revolt. This is a lesson in local politics. Liberals flocked to Kenny when he promised to end stop-and-frisk—an essential tool for clearing land for corporate capital’s lackeys to live on. Stop-and-frisk disappeared only from the mayor’s speeches. Meanwhile, monuments to white supremacist policing dot the landscape. The city refuses to remove them. All of this is rooted in the fact that the police are not some neutral tool that can be changed with the whim of a government official. They are the foot soldiers of capitalist development and expansion and the basic tool of state repression. City hall has a progressive paint job; scratch it just a little and you find a baton and a gun.
Universities help drive displacement and domination. Schools like Penn and Drexel are major employers of highly exploited, precarious workers—who do the cleaning, cooking, and serving and who teach the classes, too. Universities drown lower-middle- and working-class students in debt, and eject masses of downwardly-mobile workers into the gig economy. Meanwhile, they recruit and train the newest members of the ruling class and their professional lackeys: corporate heads, university administrators, lawyers, academics, middle managers.
And universities thrive on gentrification. They compete with each other for the best, richest, and most students. They need to constantly expand to make room for state-of-the-art dorms and the most advanced stadiums and gyms. Universities ape the blind and catastrophic growth of corporations. This means obliterating local community housing, displacing residents, and relying on increased police surveillance and harassment to clear the way for even more growth.
If Amazon’s new headquarters comes here, the dynamics of domination and displacement would be radically accelerated. Philly would witness another wave of managers and professionals, another intensification of colonization.II: A very rough sketch of Philly’s radical struggles
At the same time that corporate and financial capital’s power is growing, radical power is beginning to concentrate in Philly, too. This is clear in the expanding and deepening of upheavals in 2017. The growth and power of the radical scene here is rooted in the basic dynamics of local, national, and international capitalism.
The far left in Philly comes out of Philly’s highly exploited, often precarious social strata. Its struggles are driven by overlapping groups of service workers; alienated industrial laborers; radicalized students within or about to enter that workforce; and the under- and unemployed. Some of the far left groups congealing within the lower social strata include:
- Antiauthoritarians like Philly’s powerful Antifa, the Summer of Rage Anarchist Crew, the group surrounding the important local zine Anathema, Philly’s Black Rose/Rosa Negra helping organize workers and build an internationalist perspective, and radical environmental anarchists;
- Philly for REAL justice, calling for police abolition and confronting white supremacy in the city;
- Decarcerate PA and the related Coalition for the Abolition of Death by Incarceration (CADBI), fighting against mass incarceration;
- The Stadium Stompers and Philly Tenants Union, challenging gentrification;
- Queer radical struggles;
- Socialist groups like Philly Socialists as well as
- Radical worker groups like the IWW, who are helping to organize communities and workplaces;
- Several Food Not Bombs chapters (North Philly, West Philly, and South Philly) that give crucial support to the far left;
- Student and teacher organizations like Penn’s Students for Justice in Palestine and the Radical Education Department;
- And many more beyond. (The list is very far from complete.)
These groups struggle to dismantle some of the most central forces of neoliberal transformation in Philly: mass incarceration, gentrification, the rise of the far right, and the increasing exploitation of workers.
Such groups have been overlapping more and more in the past two years, a result of the increase of (both reformist and more revolutionary) mobilizations: the Women’s March, J20, anti-Trump regime actions, etc. A shifting core of activists tends to support and advertise one another’s work. One person is even using the old Occupy Philly Facebook page and email to do the extremely important job of gathering together and advertising as many leftist group events as they can. The local blog Philly Anticapitalist is also crucial, advertising Philly anarchist actions and posting reportbacks and analysis.
But in Philly, like elsewhere, radical struggles tend to be siloed. We often remain in the scattered state we have been in for decades. This has been particularly clear in mobilizations against ICE in comparison with other cities. In New York, admittedly a very different context, anarchists were able to create the infrastructure for one of the ICE occupations occurring across the country. The occupation effort was rooted in important part in the work of the Metropolitan Anarchist Coordinating Council, a spokes-council for connecting and coordinating multiple anarchist groups across the city, which facilitated gathering resources and planning. Philly does not have this kind of tool. Coordinating on a large scale an event or actions tends to happen in an ad hoc way. The important anarchist and revolutionary responses to ICE here have therefore been more scattered and delayed.
At the same time, we have to recognize another crucial and potentially revolutionary set of forces in the city. In Philly, like everywhere else, seethes a mass of radical informal organizing that happens every day among the dominated. Networks of creative revolt—at times subtle, and other times more obvious—constantly develop to resist police violence and gentrification; dehumanizing work; unemployment; and beyond. People are stealing shit from work; building local community support systems so that police don’t have to be called; etc. This mass drives and flows into many far left groups. But it also stretches well beyond them. Its revolt and dissatisfaction can draw it in a number of directions—towards either liberal groups or towards more revolutionary ones.
Among others, anarchists continue to play a key role in organizing revolutionary struggle in Philly. The connections between the state and capital, between economic and political violence, are becoming clearer and more important to recognize and cope with in neoliberal capitalism. It becomes increasingly important, then, to think about how to build collective autonomy against the state and capital—networks of revolutionary mutual aid that not only can help us survive but also help us strike back powerfully and effectively. Anarchism is bringing to this context its local and international experience, filled with ideas about rejecting the state and capital and experimenting with something else.
How can anarchists help build autonomous revolutionary power in Philly?
Building a revolutionary challenge to capitalism in this city would mean attacking on multiple fronts. The analysis above shows that class domination is, at the same time, white supremacist and patriarchal. Helping construct autonomous power in the city means helping build radically intersectional power. To develop that kind of power requires tools for connecting the revolutionary layers of the dominated groups that make the city run: precarious workers, disaffected students, community members displaced by gentrification and exploited by landlords, the imprisoned …. A combined revolutionary strategy also allows us to break out of our activist silos, connecting with each other to share the crucial experience, ideas, and practices that our groups have long been developing in struggle.
A key path towards greater power runs through increasingly coordinated, large-scale attacks on the control that bosses, cops, managers, teachers, and administrators have over the lower strata of the economy.
This raises some key questions for anarchists and their radical allies in Philly.
- How can anarchists help build mass struggle that is both intersectional and revolutionary in Philly—against capitalism’s multiple fronts of domination? How can it help build a congealed, radical scene that goes beyond our activist “silos”? What could a shared revolutionary “culture” look like here?
- How can we help centralize and coordinate radical struggles on a mass scale in Philly—in a way similar to New York’s MACC? How can we make sure we’re ready to strike back when the next political and economic crisis hits?
- At the same time, how can we avoid building watered-down coalitions that go nowhere, simply sapping the far left’s energy and leaving it demoralized?
- How can anarchists help further inject radical struggle in this city with autonomous, anti-state, and anti-capitalist power? How can we build up our work with groups, especially community groups, who aren’t anarchist but are struggling for a revolutionary, liberated world?
- How can we support the creative and vibrant informal resistance that happens every day among the dominated? How can we help it build its radical and autonomous power? How can we connect it to the broader far left radical scene in Philly?
- How can radicals in Philly connect to other struggles across this country—and beyond? How do we avoid being parochial, and develop a broad revolutionary internationalism?
- What are the steps we need to take to make a revolution in Philly?
Amidst the early morning fog on the 22nd of June we immobilized and sprayed up multiple pieces of heavy construction equipment along US 220 in North Carolina. An excavator, a bulldozer, and a number of front loaders all tasted exquisite venom, by way of maple syrup and bleach. Fire extinguishers on-site were also rendered useless.
This tiny act of attack was taken against the proposed construction of the Mountain Valley Pipeline Southgate, as well as the destruction of numerous acres of forest in the clearing of the new I-840 corridor.
For the defense of Nature from Capital and civilization
For attacking the instruments of ecological annihilationnorth carolinaanarchist solidaritycategory: Actions
The term White Group (Golput or Golongan Putih) emerged to describe a group of people who opposed 1971 General Election during the New Order era (Orde Baru or ORBA). Largely made up of students and youth, they protested Soeharto’s dictatorship and militarism. At the time, Soeharto’s party, the Golkar Party (Golongan Karya), was known for its institutional fraud and intimidation of opposition.
Today, the term Golput refers both to those who protest and criticise the government as well as those who don’t vote, whether due to apathy, disillusionment or other reasons. The philosophy of the White Group can lead to one of two outcomes. The first is that they will compromise with candidates that are considered “the lesser of two evils” in a hope that, eventually, a candidate that fulfills their political aspirations will materialise. The second is that they will become radicalised as they become increasingly pesimistic regarding the possibilities of electoral politics and the state.
The Black Group (Golongan Hitam) is a philosophy that we developed where, in contrast to Golput, we do not believe in electoral politics or the state. This is an expression of civil disobedience to delegitimise the current power structures and assert our autonomy. We will continue to campaign for the ideas of anarchism, anti-authoritarianism, anti-electoralism, anti-parlementarism and anti-state philosophies. However, we wish to differentiate ourselves from terrorists who oppose the current state in order to build a religious state. Rather, we wish to eliminate the state altogether.
Instagram account: golongan.hitam
LISTEN HERE: http://archive.org/details/AnarchyRadio06262018
Kathan co-hosts. She reports on ICE occupation in Portland. "I Really Don't Care. Do U?" :What kind of statement /meaning? Suicide watch, near and far, what it is saying. Eco disaster of the week, Racist pig murder of the week. Two calls.Tags: KZjzKarlcategory: Projects
Submitted anonymously to North Shore Counter-Info
With The Tower about to reopen at its new location, it seems like a good moment to take stock of our situation. The weight of repression in Hamilton has not gotten any lighter, but we have gotten more used to and maybe even more skilled at carrying it. That said, it's too soon to say the storm has passed and we face challenging times ahead. As we navigate these next days, weeks, and months, there are a couple of things worth keeping in mind to help us all stay safe.
1. Don't Talk to The Police
The police have still been sniffing around, trying to approach people they believe to be connected to anarchist projects in the city, showing up at homes and workplaces. While it is common for police to claim that it is in your best interest to talk them, this couldn't be further from the truth. Whether they're friendly or threatening, remember that you have nothing to gain by talking with them at all. They will likely lie or exaggerate and attempt to manipulate you. You can be polite or not, but it's best to just say that you aren't interested in talking with them. If they continue to ask questions, you can just reply: "I have nothing to say". If they threaten to take you to the police station or ask you to go there, you do not have to go with them unless you are under arrest. You can ask, "I'm not interested in meeting with you, am I free to go?" If they say yes, great, close the door and/or get out of there. If they say no, ask if you are under arrest. If you are arrested, you can insist to talk to a lawyer and will be referred to duty council if you don't have someone in mind. Once arrested, you are required to give your name, birthdate, and address, and that's all. At this point, being polite to the cops is out the window - just keep your mouth shut, you don't have to answer or acknowledge them, and it's easier to never start talking than it is to realize you're about to go too far and need to stop. The phrase, "I'm not answering any questions" is a good friend in those times.
2. Be Weary of Rumours, The Devil Really is in the Details
Although there are few details yet, there is an informant of some kind in this case. Beyond that, not much is known, so if you're hearing more than that, be cautious because rumours move quickly in times like these. Work is being done around this and more details will be announced when they are available. Until then, be smart and keep in mind basic security culture principles and practices, but be careful of jumping to any conclusions, making any accusations, or fueling any public speculation. Paranoia is debilitating, spreads tension, and breeds conflict. Suspicion can be counterproductive and make our spaces unwelcoming to anyone outside of our immediate networks, and false accusations can push good people away. Turning on each other, isolating our projects, and/or closing ourselves off weakens rather than strengthens us. As soon as we have more information about the informant we will make sure that it is widely spread.
3. Don't Give Into the Hype, Work Through the Fear
House raids, arrests, media stunts, and police visits are scary -- they're meant to intimidate. State repression is intended not only to publicly penalize some, but to scare others into submission and tear movements apart. That's why it's important to keep things in perspective and not give in to the hype, to talk about the situation with people you trust, and prepare for it without letting fear take over. The forces we're up against are powerful, but they are not everywhere and they are not omnipotent. Staying solid is most important when it's under pressure and we all depend on each other to hold the line against the cops, the far-right, and the rich, while also keeping our priorities clearly in sight. These charges are aimed at individuals who openly and persistently advocate for ideas that run counter to the powerful in this society, arguing against the ability of capitalists to control our basic needs, against the politicians and the visions they impose, against misogynists and racists and the hierarchical nightmare world they represent. Those charged are dealing with this situation with a courage that makes it a little easier for the rest of us to stand up too.
4. Be Defiant, Continue to Struggle and Define the Terms
The justice system and its accomplices want to portray anarchists as criminals, to rob the struggles we engage in of their substance and context, and reduce them to certain acts that they choose to consider crimes. For myself, I am no more interested in being innocent than guilty; those who are charged and those who aren't all participate in a shared struggle against authority and against the rich and their world. Our best defense now is to continue those struggles on our own terms and to refuse to let them be defined by the courts or the media. Charges, conditions, and police threats might make this harder, but our ideas and projects are no different than they were before these attacks by the powerful.
5. Show Solidarity, Support Anarchist Projects Here and Elsewhere
Support from anarchists and other radicals both within Hamilton and beyond has been very important and will definitely continue to be. One great way to show solidarity over the next little while is to help the new Tower space thrive. Do you live out of town? Consider coming to give a talk on what's happening in your town, a movement or situation you're interested in, or a favourite text, or bring a film and some discussion questions. Don't like being the centre of attention? Just come out to events at the space. Meeting people and participating in discussions is a powerful way of pushing back against the fear and isolation the state seeks to spread.
A previous update encouraged people to invite their friends together to discuss repression and gentrification, using a collection of texts about Locke St and its aftermath as a starting point. Taking steps to clarify our perspective on the situation is important: if you organize a discussion in your town, consider posting it publicly (and anonymously) on North Shore Counter-Info.
-An anarchist in HamiltonTags: hamiltonRepressioncategory: Prisoners
Essay submissions wanted for a new zine "INSURGENCY: An Anarchist Vegan Straight Edge journal of Destruction issue #0"
"INSURGENCY: An Anarchist journal of Total Destruction issue #0" will be a zine project focused on anti-speciesist eco-defense, nihilist anarchy and insurrection.
Searching for essay submissions related to:
-Anti-civ anarchist critiques of psychiatry, mental "illness" and medication
-Non-primitivist critiques of civilization
-Thoughts on anarchy beyond leftism, towards savage attack.
-Anti-civ sxe critiques of intoxication culture
-Nihilist-anarchist vegan critiques of speciesism and anthropocentrism
-Post-left anarchist critiques of the recent wave of Tiqqunist/The Invisible Committee popularity within radical circles.
-Post-left anarchist critiques of leftism (anarcho-communism in particular)
-Anti-civ queer nihilist critiques of gender and of queer as part of "lgbtq etc".)
-Nhilist-anarchist attacks/communiques against infrastructure in "america". (if any. ha.)
Submit essays to warzone_distro (@) riseup.netTags: post-left anarchyanti-civQueer Nihilismgender nihilismanti-speciesismanimal liberationearth liberationnihilismanarchystraight edgesxeintoxication cultureInsurrectionary Anarchismcategory: Projects
This week on The Final Straw, we’re airing three international segments covering anarchist perspectives from the Rojava Revolution in Northern Syria, voices from the pirate radio, Radio Klaxon on the ZAD, a land occupation in western France, and refugee solidarity and struggle in on the border of Croatia and Bosnia in the Balkans.
Anarchism and Rojava
First, we’ll hear an interview with an anarchist recently returned from Rojava, the autonomous regions in North Western Syria where an anti-capitalist, ecological and feminist social revolution has been taking place while first fighting off Daesh or ISIS militants and now those fighters sent back in alongside troops from the fascist Turkish state under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The interview was conducted by comrades from Črna Luknja, comrades who first aired during the epic 8 hours of live radio from the 4th International Anarchist and Anti-Authoritarian Radio Gathering in May in Berlin, 2018. Črna Luknja, is based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, and airs their content (sometimes in English) can be found at their website.
If you like what you hear, check out the monthly, English-language anarchist news podcast we in the A-Radio Network collaborates on called “BAD News: Angry Voices From Around The World.” Our latest episode can be found at the A-Radio Network site.
To hear more audios from anarchists engaged with Rojava, you might consider checking out the podcast Vendenga Rojava. And for more resources from this perspective, check out Internationalist Commune and check out their Kurmanji (or Kurdish) learning resources, updates on the situation there, ways to donate and ways to get more involved in the struggle in Rojava.
Next, we’ll hear from Riot Turtle, an audio-comrade involved in the anarchist media project, Enough Is Enough, based in Europe, recorded on June 17th, 2018. In this segment, we hear audios from Vileka Kladusa, a village on the Bosnian and Croatian border. You’ll hear the construction of refugee tents in the background while people from SOS Team Kladuša, a local initiative to support refugees as they attempt to traverse the Balkan Route from the south of Europe and towards the north, facing violence from police and border officials day to day. You’ll also hear refugees speak about their journeys and the violence they’ve faced, as well as audio from tension on the border with authorities. Earlier this month, there were about 1,000 people in this camp and only 4 international volunteers, no NGO attention besides a weekly visit by Doctors Without Borders and is supported by local initiatives of the Bosnian neighbors. To find out about how you can donate to these efforts, as well as more articles, video and audio by comrades at Enough Is Enough, you can visit their website. There you will find donation options for the efforts of SOS Team Kladuša as well as for Cars of Hope, which coordinates needs and haves to alleviate the suffering imposed by borders and move people.
Finally, we’ll hear a conversation we recorded a week before the second round of evictions at the ZAD in early May of 2018. The interview with Marcel and Camille (two names commonly used to anonymize folks speaking to the media on the ZAD), speak about the pirate radio station, Klaxon, that they have participated in for a long time. If you don’t know, the ZAD is a decades long struggle against the building of an airport in traditional swamplands and farm lands in Brittany in western France near the city of Nantes. In the last 10 years, anarchists & autonomists have occupied the land to stop the government and the corporation VINCI from building a new aerotropolis megaproject for Nantes. This occupation and surrounding social movement has been marked by violent clashes with police and the creation of a police-free zone, an inspiration to many around the world. This year the French state cancelled the airport and began the process of legalizing some squats. With the end of the airport, less radical support in the movement drifted away and evictions began in earnest. Klaxon folks talk about the role their station plays in amplifying the voices of people on the ZAD who might intimidated in publishing their views on the website or in their newspaper or at public meetings because of intersections of class, race, gender, education, language access and such, as well as the role the station plays in resisting the evictions. You can hear Klaxon by visiting ZAD.Nadir and clicking the listen link on the right side of the page. Ps, it’s in French.
A group of us have been talking about the ways in which we’ve often felt alienated from our own movements due to the lack of post secondary and would like to hear from organizers with similar experiences. Rising from these chats, some of us have been talking about an idea for a compilation zine we’re calling ‘Class Dismissed’.
It’s meant to be by, and for, anarchists who, like us, haven’t gone to post-secondary (with two exceptions… read on!). We figured we'd also like to include folks dropped out or flunked out early on and who have found ways that, while always colored by these institutions (ours probably are too in a lot of ways), don’t use them as the main background for the development of our understandings of the world and the shit that needs to be done and how to do it. We also want to extend the invitation to folks who have only gone to trade school, because, if your experience is anything like our friends, school didn’t really do much to offer opportunities for political engagement outside of the debates you’d otherwise be having on the job site.
And while we could try and just write something as a small group we wanted to open it up to other folks too because we think everyone’s got their own take here and it’s important to share those things with each other. Below are some things we are curious about but don’t take it as a checklist of stuff you need to respond to. It’s more meant to give you some ideas of the shape of what we’re thinking about.
- Stories and reflections on the ways in which not going to school has shaped your politics, experience, and identity as anarchists.
- How folks came to identify as anarchists outside of school and find others in the first place and what they’ve been doing since
- How folks like to go about sharpening their strategies and politics and sharing political knowledge outside of pre-scripted ‘teacher-student’ or ‘classroom’ style modes
- How we have shared this stuff with the other folks in our lives who are in the same (or similar) boats that break free of the ‘teacher –student’ mold.
- Suggestions and ideas about how we could be doing things better rather than just pointing out what’s wrong (though there’s definitely space for that too).
- Things that you’ve felt frustrated by in your own sense of ability or place in anarchist spaces or debates because you haven’t had experience in post secondary educational institutions and suggestions for ways of overcoming those
- Problems with the anarchist milieu being something that’s often tied to folks with institutional education are and what solutions we’ve found or have a feeling may be out there.
- Stuff that you think might be helpful/useful for folks to consider or try in order to level the playing field.
- Ways in which dealing with academia and folks influenced by experiences with it from the outside has shaped your class conciseness
- Overcoming barriers of inaccessibility of language.
- Talking with other folks who don't have an academic background about political theory, and growing movements outside of institutional academia
The rough shape of submissions we would like in a format of problem, then solution. First the problems you've found organizing without having attended these institutions, followed by a personal account of your organizing and how you’ve gone about organizing or radicalizing other folks (or whatever various work we do within our communities).
The hope is to get this together in time for the anarchist book fair in Halifax this fall, and it’d be rad if you’d toss some thoughts our way so it’s not just us writing. If you’re into it, we would really appreciate it if you could get a draft into us by the first weekend in August so we have time to get back to folks and put the thing together.
Writing is hard for me and maybe a lot of us. Don’t worry too much about making it perfect. No one’s grading you. That being said, if you want to submit something that’s not in writing we ask that you get in touch first if you’d want something you’ve recorded typed out or want to do an interview or something since it’s just a few of us working on this when we’re not at work. Art is great, but keep in mind we wanna photocopy this in black and white and may give priority to stuff that approaches things in a conversational or storytelling way rather than making statements. Feel free to tailor this callout to the specifics of your networks as we know all of us come from different cities with their own intricacies around institutional academia. Any submissions can be forwarded to firstname.lastname@example.org, feel free to sign as anonymous or however you want if even at all.Tags: zinesubmissioncalloutclasseducationschoolworkacademiaacademicunschooldropoutflunkwriting projectcategory: Projects
via Conflict MN
Stonewall was a riot. The chant echoed off the buildings lining Hennepin Ave in downtown Minneapolis as we marched. The sidewalks were filled with thousands of onlookers, expecting to see the annual Pride parade, but instead they saw us. We were maybe one hundred, maybe a little more. One banner leading the way proclaimed “No Cops In Pride.” It was a very loose assortment of activist organizations, radical queers, and even some anarchists. At a snail’s pace, we made our way down the length of the Parade route.
The intention of the demonstration was to disrupt the Pride parade. And by that measurement, it was successful. The parade started around an hour late, and progressed slowly behind us, keeping it’s distance. Given how Pride has been so detached from it’s rebellious roots by way of corporate sponsorship, our desire to interrupt it is clearly a rightful inclination. However, despite our apparent success in doing so, we can go beyond this and take practical steps to materialize our stated desires.
Most striking about the demonstration was the ease with which rhetoric that would be deemed too militant—as if there was such a thing—was taken up by participants. While still many chanted to “prosecute the police”, there were several signs sporting the acronym for “fuck the police” as well. Anarchist and anti-fascist imagery and slogans were easy to spot. Just as many decried capitalism wholesale and called for total police abolition as those who sported pins for electoral campaigns.
Now, this isn’t to complain that the messaging wasn’t “radical enough” or that there wasn’t ideological purity. Really, the rhetoric present reflected a diverse range of perspectives who could find common ground in the rejection of this world—a world where the police who kill with impunity expect our unconditional welcoming into celebrations of resistance. While in the recent past, those who didn’t believe that this was an issue of “bad apple” police officers would likely feel isolated amongst crowds demanding body cameras or a similar reform, the message here was different.
The message was different, and yet the actions the same. While the demonstration did actually disrupt the parade, calling it direct action would be fairly generous. The march was centered around using the visibility of the parade to boost awareness for the cause. If we really believe that in police abolition, for example, we can’t simply continue to stand in the streets, demanding it happen. How can we say that “stonewall was a riot,” and yet deny ourselves this same capacity for revolt?
However, this is also not a call for an abstract militancy. This is about posing a question: to all of us who reject this world, how can we bring about a better world ourselves? Starting from what we have—our skills, resources, and most importantly, our friends—we can build a reality where “no cops in pride” isn’t a demand, it’s a warning. But first, we’ll have to toss off the activist rituals we’ve become accustomed to.Tags: minneapolisminnasotaprotestqueercategory: Actions
via contra info
Unknown persons destroyed the windows of the russian visacenter in Kanalstr. 14a, Hamburg, the night of the 22.06. Also “FUCK FIFA!”, “FIGHT REPRESSION!” and”(A)” was spraypainted on the fassade.
Since autumn 2017 there are repressive attacks against anarchists in different russian cities, in Belarus and in the Crimea. With torture, intimidation, blackmail and imprisonment they are targeted.
At the same time the football worldcup as one of the biggest spectacles of power is happening in Russia. The rich can enrich themselves even more and behind the cameras, all this, as with the Olympic games or summit-meetings, can be used to develope repression and control against marginalised, poor and unwanted social groups and to develope aggressive gentrification.
Freedom and solidarity don’t need visa!Tags: germanyanarchist solidarityproperty destructioncategory: Actions
via Filler PGH
Originally published by Torchlight PGH — Anarchist News from Pittsburgh
Torchlight received the following reportback from an anarchist who attended the first rally for Antwon Rose on Wednesday evening. There was also a larger rally and march Thursday night that blocked Parkway East for over five hours. The reportback has been lightly edited for spelling and grammar, but is otherwise unchanged.
It’s Going Down has posted another reportback from the same rally.
I got there late, about a half hour after the 6 PM start time. There were about 300 people there, most of them young and Black, rallying at an intersection. I recognized some people I knew, but not as many as I would have hoped ordinarily. East Pittsburgh is a pretty long way from where most of the anarchists live, and the protest was called with only a few hours notice.
The rally split up into a couple of groups, one in the intersection and another further up Electric Avenue (yup, Electric Avenue). The second group seemed louder so I gravitated in their direction. A bunch of people were screaming at the cops, especially this one pig in a white shirt. There were cops there from a bunch of different towns, including a few I hadn’t even heard of. None from Pittsburgh though, and I didn’t see any state cops either. The cops who were being screamed at backed off slowly and made a line across the road, but eventually pulled back to the sidewalks.
The other group was bigger but less confrontational. At one point a white unmarked cop SUV tried to drive through the big group and people started screaming and lined up to block it in. All the cops from Electric Avenue came over and surrounded the thing while it did a slow three point turn and finally left. That was as intense as anything got while I was there. After the SUV left some people started yelling at a few kids in black bloc about violence, which seemed kind of ridiculous when you think about what we were protesting.
Pretty soon after that people mad a giant circle in the intersection of Electric and Braddock and seemed prepared to stay for a while. Then the clouds started gathering, the news helicopter dippe out, and it began to rain hard. People clustered under a railroad bridge that runs over Electric and a few people sat down in the middle of the road. It seemed ilke the rain was thinning out the crowd though, and I eventually headed out because my ride was leaving.
Nobody seemed very well prepared, including the cops, but I guess that’s not surprising. I saw a couple of green legal observer hats, but no marked medics. A few people were there in black bloc, but in my opinion that wasn’t a great place for a bloc. They stood out more than if they had just worn regular clothes. The cops were mostly hands off. The Allegheny County pigs showed up, but they didn’t bring their horses. Nobody was in riot gear. The only crowd control weapons I saw were these assault-looking rifles that I think fire rubber bullets. Some cops from Monroeville had those, but they put them away pretty early. Except for the SUV incident they didn’t seem to be doing anything to provoke people.
The rain definitely took a lot of the fight out of the crowd but even before that people seemed more about grieving and venting their anger at the cops than throwing down. There’s going to be another protest downtown tomorrow at noon at the county courthouse, so we’ll see what happens there.Tags: pittsburghAntwon Roseprotestcategory: Actions
via IT'S GOING DOWNOn Monday, people around the world in at least 12 cities in 4 different countries will be standing up to demand that the U.S. Department of Justice drop the draconian charges against the remaining J20 defendants, those facing charges at Standing Rock, and denouncing the DOJ’s role in Trump’s deportation machine.
On January 20, 2017, Inauguration Day, over 200 people were swept up in mass arrests simply for being in the streets, protesting fascism, racism, and capitalism. Since then, nearly 150 defendants have seen their charges dropped, and the government has failed to make a single conviction at trial. We have even seen the prosecution sanctioned for withholding evidence from the defense. In spite of this, 39 people still face over 60 years in prison for “rioting,” “inciting a riot,” and other overblown felony charges.
Revolutionary and anarchist unions across the world are calling for demonstrations at US embassies and DOJ offices on Monday, June 25th. These include the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the US and Canada, the National Confederation of Labor (CNT) in Spain, and the Free Workers Union (FAU) in Germany.
We are calling on our comrades everywhere to show these defendants our love and solidarity, and our resilience in the face of state repression. We recognize that across the US, people are taking to the streets against ICE. We want to connect all of our struggles, recognizing the connection between political repression, and the DOJ’s role in the growing deportation machine.
We also stand in solidarity with Native water protectors facing years in prison in the wake of Standing Rock, and black liberation demonstrators being threatened with trumped up charges in Ferguson and Charlotte. We are living through an escalating wave of repression that aims to silence all resistance. An injury to one is an injury to all.
Protest is not a crime! Drop the charges!
Tomorrow is a national day of action in solidarity with J20 defendants! Picket in Washington DC from 9am-11am Monday, June 25 at Judiciary Square, 555 4th St NW.https://t.co/lMuOKXp2WY pic.twitter.com/RLaVlrHLHz
— Baltimore IWW (@BaltimoreIWW) June 24, 2018Events:
There are also demonstrations planned in Barcelona, Berlin, Atlanta, North Carolina, Wisconsin, Baltimore, and the Bay Area. A benefit show will also take place in Durham, NC.Tags: anarchist solidarityj20category: Actions
Welcome to the Anews podcast. This is episode 69 for June 22, 2018. This podcast covers anarchist activity, ideas, and conversations from the previous week.
This podcast is the effort of many people. This episode was
* sound edited by Rocinante
* “The Praxis of Pragmatics, Part 3” by SUDS
* editorial “We don’t need architects to dismantle the master’s house” by notnull
* Thanks to Aragorn! and SUDS for topic of the week discussion
* The music is 1. Mula, “Mañana” 2. Talking Heads, “Burning Down the House” 3. Young Tender, “Si No Vas a Ser Tú” 4. Nujabes, “Feather (feat. Cise Starr & Akin from CYNE)
* Contact us at email@example.com
For most anarchists, at least in North America, work plays some role in our lives. While there are still anarchists who elevate work as a (or sometimes the) terrain on which our battles will be waged (and presumably won?), many anarchists are somewhere between critical and antagonistic to the concept of work. To be clear, this is hardly a new or groundbreaking development in the spheres of anarchist thinking, but often it comes down to conversations about to work or not to work, or what are more and less legitimate fields of employment for anarchists to enter in to. I assume the answer to the first is, “not if you don’t have to,” and to the second, “there are less but probably not more legitimate jobs.”
Instead, I am curious what are the ways that anarchists inject anarchy into your work lives? Either in your workplace struggles, or just as an effort to disrupt the normal flow of business. Do you show open hostility to the higher-ups? What are the benefits (since the pitfalls are pretty glaringly obvious)? Do you work to foster more decentralized (or at least less hierarchical) decision-making and relationships? For those who find themselves in positions where open actions are not viable, do you find ways of inserting moments of anarchist absurdity into the mix?
What happens when the boss catches on? For example, I have worked places that were very accepting of me being openly an anarchist but rigidly hierarchical, and places with strict lines of authority where sometimes the bosses thought my meager moments of resistance were hilarious, and even encouraged them. Most often, it is somewhere between those. How does your anarchy keep you sane or allow you to navigate your jobby-job?
Or perhaps maybe I should ask, does it?Tags: totwworksabotagechaosdaily lifecategory: Other
From Greek Reporter
A Greek anarchist, a member of the Rouvikonas (Rubicon) group, who traveled to Syria to fight the Islamic State terror group (ISIS) has spoken on camera about his experience of the war and the reasons that made him join the fight.
Nikos Mataragas’ testimony is in the documentary Belkî Sibê (Maybe Tomorrow): A Journey Through War and Revolution, created by Alexis Daloumis and the Shadow Crew, and released recently.
Mataragas, speaking against a backdrop of a half-destroyed building and with a Kalashnikov resting behind him, talks about his experiences in Raqqa.
He says he received weapons training only for a month before taking part in the fighting. He also says he spent seven months on the front, fighting alongside a group called the International Freedom Battalion, participating in many battles, including some where his colleagues were killed.
It was a painful experience, he says, but it made him more determined to carry on fighting ISIS.
The Greek volunteer says that his family’s communist background made him to want to defend the weak.
His upbringing made him an internationalist: “In our home we never had the Greek flag”, he says, although he denies he is anti-Greek.
Growing up, he decided to follow a different course from his parents and began to describe himself as an anarchist.
Mataragas claims that although he is member of Rouvikonas, the decision to go and fight in Syria was his alone.
Video in GreekTags: GreeceSyriawarsolidarityMSMvideocategory: International
Berlin, June 2018
Restructuring power via digitization is in full swing. Hardly anything that cannot be complemented by a ‘smart’ in its name and thus a new place in this world has escaped this process. Everything is networked. Cameras, sensors and chips are constantly sending and letting things communicate. ‘Big Data’ is the currency of tomorrow. Even our relationships, actions and thinking are permanently exposed to digital access. Reduced to information, we feed the algorithms of the machines, helping to make the future manageable and controllable.
It’s not always easy to hold on to the possibility of destroying this system as the rapid pace of the technological attack is widening and the net of domination stretches around us. All the more important are the moments of counterattack to reject the powerlessness that is spreading in the face of current developments. So we are all the more pleased that the answers to the misery produced by the colonization of the world via techno-industrial hegemony are found again and again in Berlin. Within the context of the planned Google campus in Kreuzberg, a fight has developed that is not only aimed at the tech giants and their universe, but also at the social level. Self-organization, direct communication and the power of the attack are the means of choice. Various acts of sabotage, such as the one last March by ‘Vulkangruppe NetzHerrschaft zerreißen’ have shown that the infrastructure of the flow of goods, communication and data networks is vulnerable and can be disrupted by arson attacks against cable networks and sensitive radio antennas. But other actors in the city’s and life’s smartification have also become the target of anger, such as the torched Amazon vehicles, the Molotov attack against the start-up factory, the attacks against Zalando or the Humboldthain Technology Park, and so on. We want to fuel these conflicts with our contribution by picking out some well-known players who are actively working to expand and optimize the web of domination and control.
And so, on the night of June 14th in the Tiergarten, just before the start of the public sports broadcast there, we set fire to the cables and control boxes of a Vodafone radio antenna. This antenna is used in addition to mobile radio for the BOS radio of the cops and other authorities. We are optimistic that our intervention at this antenna at least allowed a transmission break, so that for a moment it would have provided radio silence. The cop ticker went silent, perhaps this info on the way to the headquarters in the charred cables that now adorn the system, stuck.
On the night of June 15th, we torched Deutsche Bahn’s vehicle fleet on Kaskel street, and on the night of June 19th, we placed incendiary devices under Telekom’s cars on Sewan street, transporting six more vehicles to the junkyard. With these attacks, we are targetting some of the largest network operators in Germany, which form important pillars of the flow of goods and data via radio antennas, fiber optic cables and the rail network. These are indispensable to the functioning of capitalism. All three companies, however, do far more than just provide the infrastructure. With their technological developments in monitoring, control, Internet of Things (IoT), Industry 4.0, Smart City, Smart Home etc, they are a driving force in the reorganization of rule in the cybernetic age.
With these actions, we send smoke signals to all prisoners of the social war and to those on the run. Special greetings go to Lisa, Thomas, Nero, Isa and the UP3 and G20 prisoners.
Mobile and public transport in the service of power
Media and politicial insiders and lobbyists have stirred a mood of fear for years. Fear of the stranger, the refugees and terrorism. This is accompanied by the call for authority. A new police law chases the other. The developers of security technologies are pleased, because with the fear, they can not only make politics, but also earn a lot of money. It is therefore not surprising that large established corporations are at the forefront of this and, in the interests of domination, inexorably participate in the maintenance of the existing order.
Telekom is the largest telecommunications company in Europe and operates technical networks for telephone, mobile, data transfer and online services. In addition to Germany, the company has subsidiaries in 14 other European countries where it is involved in mobile and fixed network providers. With its internationally operating subsidiary T-Systems, the group is one of the world’s leading providers of information and communication technology, aimed at large-scale customers, the financial sector, the energy sector and public administration and security.
For police, military and other security authorities, T-Systems offers comprehensive solutions and information technology. Under the title ‘PLX’, Deutsche Telekom is developing, among other things, an information and search system for the police, in which all relevant reporting processes, such as facial recognition services, detention data, criminal record evidence etc are integrated. In this way, all processes in the handling of transactions, from initial registration to submission of the proceedings to the judiciary, are to be supported.
In addition, T-Systems offers technology for an ‘Interactive Patrol Car Radio (IfuStw)’. A mobile police workplace with multifunction PCs in the vehicle, which enables full integration into the existing police infra and communication structure. These links are designed to reduce reaction and intervention times while facilitating evidence-securing documentation via video capture.
Vodafone, the German subsidiary of the British Vodafone Group and Germany’s second largest mobile service provider, is also campaigning for greater security. Vodafone not only provides a messenger service for the Bavarian police and body cams for the Federal Police, but also develops smart drones. This drone, equipped with onboard camera and SIM card for LTE radio, delivers and analyzes video material in real time. This could be used at major events, for example counting people or observing and directing streams of people. Traffic monitoring and license plate recognition are also part of the tasks of such applications. This technique may be arbitrarily replaced by other monitoring software, for example facial recognition could obviously be added.
With these and similar products, Telekom and Vodafone, along with many other companies in the security industry, have been exhibiting at trade fairs such as the European Police Congress for many years, where they care about competing for their military, police, intelligence and border control customers.
In contrast, Deutsche Bahn, as the operator of railway stations and the German railway network, is more likely to play the role of a consumer of such technologies. At the same time, the group’s infrastructure also offers a huge field of experimentation to test the use of the latest surveillance technologies under real conditions. The most popular field trial by Deutsche Bahn, in cooperation with the Federal Police, the BKA and the Federal Ministry of the Interior, is currently running at the Südkreuz railway station in Berlin. There, smart video cameras with inbuilt facial recognition software are designed to automatically detect, track and report suspicious behavior. With such projects, they lay the groundwork for a totalitarian society of control. Of course, if the results are positive for the operators, such technologies will also be used in other locations. Already, 900 Deutsche Bahn stations are being monitored with 6000 video cameras, which, equipped with smart surveillance software, in the spirit of the Minister of the Interior, would enable a near-complete network of personalized tracking and control on public transport. So, this group plays a key role in the implementation of new surveillance and prosecution paragraphs, as they occur in the new Bavarian Police Task Force (PAG).
From the Internet of Things to the Smart City and back
The Internet of Things is considered to be the largest growth sector in mobile communications. Experts expect up to 50 billion interconnected devices worldwide. This requires powerful networks that can rapidly exchange large amounts of data. As a result, wireless carriers are investing massive amounts of money into fiber obtic cable, Narrowband and 5G infrastructure to meet their current and future needs. At the same time, they are actively involved in various European Smart City projects and develop all sorts of things to help make the totally networked world a reality.
Telekom operates a so-called ‘Hub: raum’ as an incubator for start-ups and runs programs under the title ‘Smart City Lab / T-Labs’, to promote the digital efficiency of cities. Smart Transportation Solutions, Smart Parking, Smart Electric Vehicle Charging, Traffic and Passenger Management Systems, Smart Waste Management, Smart Lighting, Smart Metering and Smart Public Safety are just a few of the key words that show how comprehensive the corporation’s plans to make things happen are and which information can be produced and integrated into the profit chain. Telekom’s goal is to be a leading provider of smart city solutions in Europe. In doing so, they say they are committed to the environment and promise to address such issues as climate change, scarcity of resources, demographic change etc, in order to enable human survival on Earth for a long time. The fact that the destruction of the planet is result of the capitalist logic that reaps horrendous profits for companies goes unmentioned.
At Vodafone, along with safety and economic efficiency, the concerns of ecology are at the forefront of their Smart City projects. Together with the RWE ‘eco’ subsidiary Innogy, the group is developing concepts for the smart city. Connected traffic systems, smart waste management and smart lighting systems are the three main cornerstones of the company cooperation. Smart multifunction pylons with the name ‘Innogized Poles’ are equipped with sensors and devices to provide comprehensive solutions for urban networking. On the one hand, these could serve as charging stations for all types of e-vehicles that measure air pollution and temperature and produce digital advertising on LED screens. On the other hand, they could also simplify surveillance via smart video cameras in public spaces. Another product from Vodafone is the smart wall. Sensors can not only detect movement, but also chemical substances and individual spray paint particles. If a wall is sprayed, the sensor will automatically alert the authorities. Vodafone is also producing technologies that can be integrated directly into our everyday lives as surveillance devices. With ‘Smart Level Glasses’, which were developed in cooperation with the US manufacturer CSP, the group offers glasses that are full of smart technology. These would function primarily as a fitness monitor, but also contain tracking functions. A step-by-step ranking system, which supports social projects and the needy once you reach a certain score, is an incentive for people to use the glasses permanently. So the emotional blackmail of the data consumer is also included.
With these and similar applications, corporations are making it clear in which direction the processes of smartification are actually developing. What are sold to us as benefits for everyday life in the name of ecology, turn out to be green capitalism in its purest form. It’s about power and money. And so the devastation will spread inexorably and our habitats will gradually become places of total control. What remains for us is to hold on to the idea of another way of life and the possibility of destroying this world of domination and control, and translating it into action.
(via Chronik, translated into English by Nae Clone for Mpalothia)anti-technologydirect actiongermanyBerlincategory: International
The Final Straw is happy to share the latest episode of this
monthly, international, english-language anarchist podcast.
Share & enjoy!
This is episode 12 of “B(A)D NEWS – Angry Voices From Around
World,” a news program from the international network of anarchist
and antiauthoritarian radios, consisting of short news segments
from different parts of the world. You can download it
directly from archive.org here:
Bad News_Episode 12 EN:
Radio out of the UK that gives us a report on far right
demonstrations and other local news;
Straw Radio from the united states gives us an interview with a
comrade from Yogyakarta, Indonesia, regarding the situation
regarding the riots on mayday;
*Radiozones Of Subversive
Expression from Greece gives us an update on political
from the chilean region gives us a report of feminist may;
Berlin will tell us about the plans for, and struggle
against, the google campus in berlin.
Please send feedback and comments at: a-radio-network/at/riseup.net
And more content is available at https://www.a-radio-network.orgTags: Radiopodcastcategory: Projects